{"id":903,"date":"2018-04-15T05:19:06","date_gmt":"2018-04-15T03:19:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nyje.al\/?p=903"},"modified":"2024-08-22T19:11:56","modified_gmt":"2024-08-22T17:11:56","slug":"shteti-qe-i-druhem-nebi-bardhoshi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/shteti-qe-i-druhem-nebi-bardhoshi\/","title":{"rendered":"Shteti q\u00eb i druhem"},"content":{"rendered":"
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05.01.2018 | Nebi Bardhoshi | nyje.al\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

\u201cShteti q\u00eb i druhem\u201d, \u00ebsht\u00eb leksion inagurues i Laboratorit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Urbane (LAU, 2017), krijuar pran\u00eb Institutit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Kulturore dhe Studimit t\u00eb Artit, mbajtur n\u00eb qendr\u00ebn e Grupit Ata n\u00eb Kam\u00ebz. Prof. as Dr. Nebi Bardhoshi \u00ebsht\u00eb Drejtor i Institutit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Kulturore dhe Studimit t\u00eb Artit, Akademia e Studimeve Albanologjike, Tiran\u00eb, si dhe nj\u00ebherazi drejtues i Laboratorit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Urbane. Q\u00ebllimi kryesor i LAU \u00ebsht\u00eb krijimi i nj\u00eb grupi studimor, i cili rreh \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb lidhen me hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn dhe jet\u00ebn urbane, si dhe ushtrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb antropologji apo dije humane t\u00eb angazhuar. Materiali i paraqitur k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb transkriptim i fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb in\u00e7izuar, transkriptuar nga aktivist\u00ebt e grupit Ata, nj\u00ebherazi t\u00eb angazhuar n\u00eb redaksin\u00eb e Nyje.al.<\/span>
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Pothuajse me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njihem, por po i them dy fjal\u00eb; dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, nga ka ardh\u00eb kjo ide dhe me \u00e7far\u00eb merrem. T\u00eb ruajm\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb atmosfere hyr\u00ebse p\u00ebr iden\u00eb e projektit edhe se ku mund t\u00eb marri ose ku merr teh antropologjik tema. Sepse un\u00eb mendoj se duhet me u marr\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb. Edhe pse jam k\u00ebtu, pse kam zgjedh\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebt\u00eb mjedis\u2014pra qendr\u00ebn tuaj edhe timen\u2014p\u00ebr me prezantu k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Un\u00eb merrem me studimin n\u00eb l\u00ebmin antropologjis\u00eb, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb e pafund, e paskaj. Ajo ose ai q\u00eb b\u00ebn me e definu, rrezikon me e b\u00eb gabim. N\u00eb fakt po t\u00eb pyesje se cili \u00ebsht\u00eb objekti i antropologjis\u00eb do ishte pyetja ideale n\u00ebse q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngel nj\u00eb student, n\u00eb fakt ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ngelte edhe nj\u00eb studiues i sprovuar. Me \u00e7far\u00eb merret antropologjia social-kulturore? Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb pyetja q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit nuk e din\u00eb krejt me sakt\u00ebsi, ose secili autor ka nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb vet\u00ebn. Por me e than\u00eb, me kriju nj\u00eb ide si\u00e7 thash\u00eb, antropologjia kulturale ose kulturore \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb dije e cila mundohet, rreket me u marr\u00eb me studimin e ndryshimeve kulturore. Por un\u00eb kam pas\u00eb qef me e quajt nj\u00eb arkeologji konceptesh. Pra, antropologjia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb dije q\u00eb merret me nj\u00eb territor, madje mund t\u00eb thuhet edhe me kriju nj\u00eb territor, dhe prej k\u00ebtu ajo rreket t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb arkeologjie t\u00eb territorit. P\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb sinonimin e arkeologjis\u00eb q\u00eb g\u00ebrmon edhe antropologjia duhet me pas\u00eb q\u00ebllimin e \u201cg\u00ebrmimit\u201d t\u00eb koncepteve me kuptu pse ndodh, si ndodh, pse njer\u00ebzit i binden, pse krijojn\u00eb, sajojn\u00eb apo performojn\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb kemi njoft\u00eb si doke kulturale apo zakone apo \u00e7far\u00ebdoqoft\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Por n\u00eb fakt, projekti antropologjik, shkurt e shkurt, \u00ebsht\u00eb studimi i kultur\u00ebs. Projekti n\u00eb vetvete \u00ebsht\u00eb tentativ\u00eb me kuptu pro\u00e7esin e legalizimit t\u00eb zonave informale. Nuk dua t\u00eb merrem me historin\u00eb e fenomenit, as me nj\u00eb gjykim shum\u00eb moral t\u00eb asaj, sesa t\u00eb merrem me ekonomin\u00eb politike t\u00eb shtetit mbi ose rreth pro\u00e7esit t\u00eb legalizimit. Mund t\u00eb shtohet fare mir\u00eb \u00e7eshtja: pse antropologjia duhet me u marr\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb? Ku \u00ebsht\u00eb kultura k\u00ebtu? N\u00eb fakt, kultura\u2014me e p\u00ebrcaktu n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb negative, pra n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtimi\u2014sipas Marcel Mauss, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7do gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb natyrore. Pra, \u00e7do gj\u00eb q\u00eb ka prodhu njeriu q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb natyrore. Hyjm\u00eb tek ndarja se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb natyrore dhe jo natyrore. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, njeriu ka kapacitetin me kriju, ashtu si\u00e7 ka kapacitetin me i q\u00ebndru kultur\u00ebs besnik, ose me q\u00ebndru brenda saj p\u00ebr shum\u00eb koh\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb trajtu gjer\u00eb e gjat\u00eb prej antropologjis\u00eb klasike, por sot nuk do t\u00eb flasim, ve\u00e7 n\u00ebse ju keni interes me fol\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment.<\/span><\/p>

Vijm\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb tek puna q\u00eb un\u00eb merrem. Por, fusha me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn un\u00eb kam pas\u00eb deshir\u00eb me u marr\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fusha e antropologjis\u00eb s\u00eb ligjit. Pra, jo thjesht\u00eb antropologjia e kultur\u00ebs, por antropologjia e ligjit; p\u00ebr shkak se un\u00eb vij nga studime t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, por edhe se ende besoj se ka shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb rreth kultur\u00ebs juridike dhe studimit t\u00eb saj. Nj\u00eb tem\u00eb shum\u00eb e p\u00ebrfolur n\u00eb publiken shqiptare rreth munges\u00ebs ose jo t\u00eb nj\u00eb kulture juridike te ne ose n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb caktume. Por nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb pak studime jan\u00eb ba me instrumentat q\u00eb mund t\u2019i kishte antropologjia e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs apo sociologjia e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. Po them dy fusha q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishin marr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb, ose q\u00eb kan\u00eb potencial m\u00eb t\u00eb madh teorik dhe background t\u00eb madh pas vetes pastaj secili studiues b\u00ebn shtegun e vet. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e th\u00ebn\u00eb se nj\u00eb antropolog \u00ebsht\u00eb studiuesi ideal, apo nj\u00eb sociolog. T\u00eb dy nd\u00ebrthuren jasht\u00ebzakonisht shum\u00eb mir\u00eb me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin, sikurse edhe historia e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, edhe psikologjia e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, edhe filozofia e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. Mund t\u00eb japin shum\u00eb, dhe mund t\u00eb marrin shum\u00eb prej njera-tjetr\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>

Por un\u00eb jam marr\u00eb me antropologjin\u00eb e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, dhe m\u00eb s\u00eb tep\u00ebrmi jam marr\u00eb me antropologjin\u00eb e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs kanunore. Dhe tash me antropologjin\u00eb e ligjit, e m\u00eb shum\u00eb me antropologjin\u00eb e ligjit t\u00eb shtetit, dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb edhe me antropologjin\u00eb e shtetit. Antropologjia e shtetit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb e re e cila tregon se ka nj\u00eb potencial t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr me u marr\u00eb me t\u00eb. Nj\u00eb nga fushat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira nga ana tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebr nga ana teorike, sepse shteti ka nj\u00eb pozicion shum\u00eb interesant n\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrimet tona; aq sa \u00ebsht\u00eb tep\u00ebr konkret, aq \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe i parroksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr me u p\u00ebrkufizu. Kush \u00ebsht\u00eb student n\u00eb juridik apo n\u00eb shkenca politike ka plot definime t\u00eb tij, por n\u00eb praktik\u00eb po t\u2019i hyjm\u00eb definimit t\u00eb tij, shteti ose \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fantaz\u00ebm, ose di\u00e7ka q\u00eb nuk ekziston fare. Sidoqoft\u00eb, n\u00eb termat e an\u00ebs s\u00eb shfaqjes n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb materiale, shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt konkret. Ai tashm\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb kudo, n\u00eb \u00e7do atmosfer\u00eb, n\u00eb \u00e7do hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebs ton\u00eb. Kjo nd\u00ebrhyrje kudo \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7ori e shtetit modern. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, shteti modern \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr pun\u00ebn time. S\u00eb pari, n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe t\u00eb krijon iden\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb shteti ideal kur thuhet shteti modern. Dhe Kryeministri aktual e ka shum\u00eb p\u00ebrzem\u00ebr termin modern dhe modernizues duke l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet q\u00eb jemi primitiv, ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn t\u00eb prapambetur shtet\u00ebrisht; por shpesh her\u00eb teksti (q\u00eb e shoq\u00ebron k\u00ebt\u00eb vizion) \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe si referenc\u00eb p\u00ebr nivelin kulturor, dhe q\u00eb shteti duhet t\u00eb na modernizoj\u00eb. Pra, sipas k\u00ebsaj pik\u00ebpamjeje, shteti duhet t\u00eb na b\u00ebj\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb kulturuar, por n\u00eb fakt njer\u00ebz t\u00eb denj\u00eb, ose qytetar t\u00eb denj\u00eb. Pra, shpejt e shpejt, gjuha shqipe na ndihmon me kriju disa lidhje q\u00eb asociohen n\u00eb mendjen ton\u00eb se shteti modern qenka shteti ideal.<\/span><\/p>

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, po t\u00eb shohim historikun e filozofis\u00eb politike, edhe t\u00eb antropologjis\u00eb s\u00eb shtetit, dhe antropologjis\u00eb politike, edhe t\u00eb sociologjis\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, edhe sociologjis\u00eb s\u00eb shtetit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo ndjesi q\u00eb t\u00eb vjen prej studimeve. N\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe studimet e k\u00ebtyre l\u00ebmive t\u00eb japin nj\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb pesimiste p\u00ebr shtetin modern. Ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, pozita teorike \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb krah t\u00eb kritik\u00ebs s\u00eb fort\u00eb ndaj shtetit modern. P\u00ebr ta th\u00ebn\u00eb me terma m\u00eb komunikues, shteti modern ka dal\u00eb bes\u00eb-prem\u00eb i idealeve q\u00eb i ka shpall\u00eb. Pra, shteti modern \u00ebsht\u00eb te e pakta nj\u00eb-dy fytyr\u00ebsh. Promovohet nj\u00eb sistem vlerash humanist, apo me iden\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb bote ideale, por n\u00eb fakt shteti modern n\u00eb praktik\u00eb ka rezultu nj\u00eb d\u00ebshtim, ose nj\u00eb nga format m\u00eb jo t\u00eb duhura, ose jo t\u00eb drejta, t\u00eb organizimit t\u00eb jet\u00ebs ton\u00eb. K\u00ebtu kacafyten politolog\u00eb, antropolog\u00eb dhe filozof\u00eb rreth k\u00ebsaj. Un\u00eb mendoj q\u00eb jo p\u00ebr kompromis, por realisht moderniteti duhet pa gjithmon\u00eb si i dy-fytyrsh\u00ebm. Potencialin e ka\u2014dhe nuk duhet me heq dor\u00eb prej saj\u2014t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Pra, shteti n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, jo shoq\u00ebria n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti modern, ose, s\u00eb paku, duhet instrumentalizu (shteti) n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj mund\u00ebsie.<\/span><\/p>

E kam minimizu shum\u00eb, q\u00ebllimisht, rolin e shtetit p\u00ebr mos me e asgjesu fare si mund\u00ebsi. Sigurisht q\u00eb ne kemi l\u00ebvizje dhe qasje q\u00eb mendojm\u00eb se shteti e b\u00ebn njerin njeri, por un\u00eb nuk mendoj se shteti e b\u00ebn njerin njeri. Nuk kam besu asnj\u00ebher\u00eb. Mendoj se e kund\u00ebrta, se shteti duhet me u humanizu n\u00eb sensin humanist timin, se mendoj njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem vlerash ve\u00e7se duhet me u b\u00eb bashk\u00eb dhe duhet me q\u00ebndru, q\u00eb ia vlen t\u00eb luftohet p\u00ebr to. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb po i rrijm\u00eb nj\u00eb etike prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb heq\u00eb dor\u00eb fare. Pothuajse diskursi, me p\u00ebrjashtime t\u00eb vogla, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb epik rreth shtetit. Kur them epik, asht fjala p\u00ebr me q\u00ebndru p\u00ebr \u00e7ka beson, edhe pse e din\u00eb se gjasat jan\u00eb ma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me e humb at\u2019 betej\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr e shtetit, ose rreth debatit mbi shtetin, \u00ebsht\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb se shteti modern nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7eshtje e kryeme, por n\u00eb vetvete \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb revolucion i vazhduesh\u00ebm; vet\u00eb ideja e shtetit modern \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb revolucion i vazhduesh\u00ebm. Q\u00eb t\u00eb asociosh, shpejt e shpejt, me termin revolucion permanent t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur nga marksiz\u00ebm-leninizmi n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri\u2014dhe p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vite \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur lufta e klasave mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb koncept dhe diktatura e proletariatit \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtu mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb koncept, p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb prap n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb abuzive nj\u00eb kalim t\u00eb shpejt t\u00eb revolucionit permanent t\u00eb aplikum n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri t\u00eb cilin shum\u00eb pak prej jush, dhe shum\u00eb mir\u00eb, nuk e keni jetu, por q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb nuk keni informacione shum\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb se ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb jetu brenda\u2014\u00ebsht\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsu, shpejt e shpejt, me nj\u00eb revolucion t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, t\u00eb plog\u00ebsht, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb un\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn e quaj ideologjia e reformave, ku \u00e7do qeveri apo \u00e7do minist\u00ebr na thot\u00eb se duhet me ba reforma p\u00ebr \u00e7do gj\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb gjet\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb disi m\u00eb e urt\u00eb\u2014po themi me nj\u00ebfar\u00eb distance nga gjuha totalitariste, apo revolucionare e diktatur\u00ebs komuniste\u2014\u00ebsht\u00eb pajis me gjuh\u00ebn e tregut, \u00ebsht\u00eb pajis me ideologjin\u00eb e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut e me rradh\u00eb; n\u00eb fakt, kundrejt nj\u00eb konteksti social, kulturor, dhe ekonomik n\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjidhje. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ka sens kur dikush thot\u00eb se duhet me u reformu. Pra, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt pa sens n\u00eb referenc\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb. Por, ti, shpejt e shpejt, e kupton, ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn un\u00eb q\u00eb kam eksperienc\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pas nj\u00ebzet e ca vitesh nj\u00eb eksperienc\u00eb t\u00eb jetumit n\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb ombrell\u00eb ideologjike t\u00eb palosshme, se k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u instrumentalizu m\u00eb shum\u00eb ideja e reform\u00ebs, dhe kjo e shnd\u00ebrron at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologji.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb fakt, ideologjia e reformave\u2014duhet me ba edhe nj\u00eb sh\u00ebnim tjet\u00ebr\u2014e ka t\u00eb domosdoshme me prodhu nj\u00eb situat\u00eb krizash t\u00eb vazhdueshme. Edhe n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se nuk ekziston kriza, lideri ose partia jan\u00eb t\u00eb afta me e kriju, se iu duhet me e kriju nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb qoft\u00eb edhe imagjinare, p\u00ebr me i dhan\u00eb vend vetes p\u00ebr me nd\u00ebrhy n\u00eb histori, ose p\u00ebr me than\u00eb pse duhet kjo reform\u00eb. Dhe n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e ligjit, ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb studiu ose studiojn\u00eb juridik, ose n\u00eb eksperienc\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme\u2014nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e nevojshme me b\u00eb k\u00ebrkime t\u00eb thella\u2014ne kuptojm\u00eb se ligjet gjithmon\u00eb konsiderohen t\u00eb vjetra. Pra ligjet bahen t\u00eb vjetra shum\u00eb shpejt. Brenda dy-tre vitesh ligjet jan\u00eb t\u00eb vjetra, ose ligjet t\u00eb cilat ministria i konsideron se ishin t\u00eb paplota p\u00ebr nj\u00eb arsye ose tjetr\u00ebn. Zakonisht p\u00ebrdoret termi i vjet\u00ebr, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton se duhet di\u00e7ka e re. Kjo na ka \u00e7u te dukuria e hiperlegjislacionit. Pak jurist e njohin mir\u00eb n\u00eb fakt se \u00e7 \u2018po ndodh rreth tyre, pra l\u00ebnd\u00ebn juridike, ose iu duhet shum\u00eb pun\u00eb p\u00ebr ta ditur.<\/span><\/p>

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto, si\u00e7 thash\u00eb, kan\u00eb lidhje me \u00e7far\u00eb un\u00eb do parashtroj p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb politike t\u00eb legalizimit. Po e them n\u00eb parantez\u00eb, legalizimi mund t\u00eb ishte zgjidh\u00eb me nj\u00eb vendim qeveritar. Po e hedh si sfid\u00eb dhe m\u00eb pas mund ta diskutojm\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb ishte kry me nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb ose t\u00eb parlamentit me nj\u00eb ligj t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm dhe nuk do t\u00eb kishim nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr kaq shum\u00eb ligje po t\u00eb kishte vullnet ose imagjinat\u00eb\u2014po e le n\u00eb rastin e nj\u00eb mungese t\u00eb nj\u00eb imagjinate politike\u2014p\u00ebr me e kry k\u00ebt\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim.<\/span><\/p>

Tani, pse jam k\u00ebtu? E premtova sepse kam shum\u00eb shpres\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb un\u00eb do t\u00eb prezantoj do t\u00eb ngjalli shum\u00eb pyetje, sepse Kamza, vendi ku jemi\u2014edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb fundit q\u00eb jan\u00eb duke u ba rreth policentris\u00eb, ose asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb qujt si rivalizim i hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb qytetit t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs\u2014Kamza \u00ebsht\u00eb riartikulu si periferi dhe studimi im \u00ebsht\u00eb mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb koncept q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018shteti n\u00eb skaje\u2019. Pra, pse \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht Kamza? Jo vet\u00ebm pse \u00ebsht\u00eb informale, por se \u00ebsht\u00eb portretizu gjithmon\u00eb si\u2014tipikisht kthesa e Kamz\u00ebs\u2014mbarimi i Tiran\u00ebs. N\u00eb diskurs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rreth q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben shum\u00eb mir\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs, ose banorit t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs, me definu veten. Ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, n\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebn politike t\u00eb fol\u00ebsve n\u00eb media rrethi ku fillon dhe ku mbaron Tirana. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb spostu gjeografikisht pak unaza dhe n\u00eb imagjinat\u00eb politike ka zbrit\u00eb pak m\u00eb posht\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Dhe kjo qend\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebtu. Shumica prej jush jan\u00eb banor\u00eb t\u00eb Kamz\u00ebs. Un\u00eb jam banor i Tiran\u00ebs, pavar\u00ebsisht se jam pak m\u00eb larg se sa banori i Kamz\u00ebs; sepse sipas reform\u00ebs\/ndarjes s\u00eb re administrative fshati ku jam \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Tiran\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrsa ju jeni nga Kamza! Si\u00e7 e dini, n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb politike\u2014po e p\u00ebrdor q\u00ebllimisht termin q\u00eb lidh\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka po flas sot\u2014t\u00eb ndarjes adminstrative dhe ligji p\u00ebr ndarjen administrative q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi sot duket qart\u00eb nj\u00eb kalkulim politik. Pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb kalkulu q\u00eb kjo zon\u00eb portretizohet, ose i lihet, p\u00ebrfundimisht t\u00eb djatht\u00ebve. Dhe Kamza ka nj\u00eb rol shum\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb gjeografin\u00eb politike dhe simbolike t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs. Tipikisht p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideru si kulla, kanuni dhe prapambetja tek PD-ja. Kamza \u00ebsht\u00eb idealja p\u00ebr ta rrezatu k\u00ebt\u00eb imazh p\u00ebrkundrejt Tiran\u00ebs. Sikurse n\u00eb krahun tjet\u00ebr Partia Demokratike shum\u00eb shpejt ka nd\u00ebrtu pa u ngut shum\u00eb nj\u00eb profil t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb blloku ose bllokmeni. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, n\u00eb gjeografin\u00eb simbolike t\u00eb diskursit t\u00eb krijum nga Partia Demokratike, t\u00eb tjetrit-negativ t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socioaliste, \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb jesh ish-bllokmen, ose biri i tyre; k\u00ebt\u00eb farefisni simbolike ose konkrete. Do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se je njeri q\u00eb ke abuzu me pushtetin, je i korruptum moralisht, e nuk ke t\u00eb drejt\u00eb me drejtu shtetin p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb politike a familjare.<\/span><\/p>

Dhe partit\u00eb politike jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb lumtura q\u00eb kan\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gjeografi politike dhe mund t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbejn\u00eb mes tyre, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018win-win situation\u2019 p\u00ebr to. T\u00eb dyja fitojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto ndarje p\u00ebr arsyen e thjesht\u00eb se p\u00ebrshkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs n\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebn politike dhe kreativitetit politik, territori dhe ndarja krahinore \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur shpejt e shpejt prej atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00eb si nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e re p\u00ebr me shtres\u00ebzu shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb edhe me nd\u00ebrtu elektoralin e tyre bazu mbi identitetin dhe jo kreativitetin; bazu mbi tradit\u00ebn e krijume prej tyre ose prej njer\u00ebzve, dhe jo mbi programin p\u00ebr zgjidhjen ose zhvillimin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Pra, gjithmon\u00eb zhvillimi apo e ardhmja n\u00eb programet elektorale ka z\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb vend disi dyt\u00ebsor ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb dyt\u00ebsor n\u00eb raport me aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr me kriju shpres\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr me ndryshu shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Si\u00e7 e dini n\u00eb historin\u00eb elektorale, ka pas\u00eb ndryshim vet\u00ebm momenti i par\u00eb, pra ndryshimi i sistemit (1992). Aty \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti m\u00eb fatlum q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb kategorizu sipas krahinave. Por ka nis\u00eb me urbane-rurale, ku zonat urbane kan\u00eb qen\u00eb pro ndryshimit m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa fshati n\u00eb vitin 1991. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb vitin 1992 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moment plebishitar ku shqiptar\u00ebt e ndryshojn\u00eb sistemin politik pa u klasifiku mir\u00ebfilli mbi nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsi se s\u2019b\u00ebn krahinore. Ka, p\u00ebr mendimin tim, nj\u00eb moment themelor jo i analizum sa duhet prej nesh, studiuesve dhe prej atyre q\u00eb duhet me u marr\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb moment politik. \u00cbsht\u00eb kalu m\u00eb shpejt n\u00eb klasifikime partiake dhe zot\u00ebrime hap\u00ebsirash. Aty e kan\u00eb zot\u00ebru koh\u00ebn, hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn, datat. Ne kemi m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrshembull debat p\u00ebr dat\u00ebn 28-29 n\u00ebntor se sa kemi p\u00ebr programet politike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn televizive, ose n\u00eb media, ose n\u00eb botime. Historin\u00eb q\u00eb merren me gjermanin e fundit, por nuk kemi nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb merret shum\u00eb me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn sesi me e tejkalu nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb ndodh her\u00eb pas here n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

At\u00ebher\u00eb, vijm\u00eb tek rasti i legalizimit. \u04aaeshtja e legalizimit pa hy shum\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb, ka nis\u00eb t\u00eb artikulohet si nj\u00eb \u00e7eshtje politike m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2005. Ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb si nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim sesi me u marr\u00eb me t\u00eb ardhurit n\u00eb periferit\u00eb e qytetit; me k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb madh q\u00eb po i ndodh shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare. Do t\u00eb flas edhe p\u00ebr reagimet e sidomos t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb ardhurit\u2014si jan\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb dhe si jan\u00eb instrumentalizu\u2014gj\u00eb e cila nuk thuhet shpesh. Sidomos n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb platform\u00ebs \u201csyt\u00eb nga deti\u201d t\u00eb shpallur nga Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb Berisha, i cili e ka inkuraju simbolikisht. Por un\u00eb e kam si hipotez\u00eb, nuk jam fort i sigurt a \u00ebsht\u00eb ai shkaktari, apo kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb e ka kap shpejt momentin. Kam p\u00ebrshtypjen se shpesh her\u00eb ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb ka dit\u00eb me administru \u00e7far\u00eb po ndodh. Pse po e them k\u00ebt\u00eb, sepse hyra n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tez\u00eb e po ngelem n\u00eb t\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb nj\u00eb dokumentar t\u00eb zhvilluar nga Berit Backer n\u00eb Rrogam t\u00eb Tropoj\u00ebs (zhvilluar n\u00eb Mars-Prill 1991)\u2014pra n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e ep\u00ebrme t\u00eb Valbon\u00ebs\u2014filmi dokumentar mbyllet me iden\u00eb se nj\u00eb personazh q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i g\u00ebzuar q\u00eb po ndodh ndryshimi, po ndahet toka e po ndodhin gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto ndryshime, shprehet, tani jam duke e perifrazu: i kemi d\u00ebrgu let\u00ebr Ramiz Alise q\u00eb t\u00eb na rregulloj\u00eb me toka n\u00eb Ult\u00ebsir\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore sepse nuk ka tok\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetu k\u00ebtu.<\/em> Pra n\u00eb 1991\u2014dokumentari \u00ebsht\u00eb filmuar pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb para t\u00eb 1991 ku PS ka fitu votat me 31 mars\u2014\u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb ndarja e par\u00eb e tok\u00ebs, dhe njer\u00ebzit tani e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb ide se p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetu ekonomikisht iu duhet me pas\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb tok\u00eb bujq\u00ebsore. Pra nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb, si\u00e7 thuhet shpesh her\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebri Berisha, n\u00eb sensin e nj\u00eb programimi t\u00eb mir\u00ebmendum. Por mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb presion i madh social dhe demografik; nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit nuk kan\u00eb pas\u00eb as mund\u00ebsi shum\u00eb p\u00ebr ta mendu. Sidomos zona n\u00eb kufi me Kosov\u00ebn ku historikisht kan\u00eb ikur n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kur \u00ebsht\u00eb dasht\u00eb p\u00ebr shkarkim demografik p\u00ebr t\u00eb shku drejt ult\u00ebsir\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast kufiri \u00ebsht\u00eb komplet i mbyllur me Jugosllavin\u00eb, dhe zonat e tjera. Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment \u00ebsht\u00eb lexu politikisht, dhe po t\u00eb lexojm\u00eb RD t\u00eb asaj koh\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e kam shfryt\u00ebzu p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim studimi\u2014pra e kam lexu me q\u00ebllim p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptu se si PD-ja e asaj kohe vepronte rreth k\u00ebsaj \u00e7eshtje\u2014ti e kupton se kjo \u00e7\u00ebshtje \u00ebsht\u00eb administru gradualisht. Nuk ka qen\u00eb thjesht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkelje syri \u2018hajdeni ju\u2019, por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb. Pra, njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb fillu ta mendojn\u00eb se si t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb me mekanizmat e tyre. Pastaj \u00ebsht\u00eb administru si trup\u00eb elektorale. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb kapje e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb prej shtetit, por tashm\u00eb prej Partis\u00eb Demokratike.<\/span><\/p>

Tani vijm\u00eb te viti 2005. E b\u00ebra k\u00ebt\u00eb parantez\u00eb sepse nuk duhet me kriju fare iluzionin se kjo \u00e7\u00ebshtje nuk ka qen\u00eb politike; sigurisht se ajo ka qen\u00eb shum\u00eb politike q\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb her\u00ebs. Shteti n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb ka nxjer\u00eb vendime qeveritare (n\u00eb vitin 91-92) ku i d\u00ebnonte personat q\u00eb e pushtonin tok\u00ebn. Pra, ka qen\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim juridik, ka vendime t\u00eb asaj koh\u00eb q\u00eb e konstatojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pro\u00e7es q\u00eb po ndodh. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb nuk e kemi parimin e ligjit tek rikthimi t\u00eb tok\u00ebs te ish-pronari, por kemi ligjin e pron\u00ebs 7501 q\u00eb bazohet te koncepti i ndarjes, te ajo q\u00eb njihet distribution- e pra jo-restitution. Jo rikthimi te ish-pronar\u00ebt, por dh\u00ebnia atij q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar kooperative, e kam fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr tok\u00ebn bujq\u00ebsore si an\u00ebtar kooperative ose an\u00ebtar i ferm\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moment shum\u00eb themelor q\u00eb shpesh harrohet kur b\u00ebhet debati publik mbi \u00e7eshtjen e z\u00ebnies s\u00eb tok\u00ebs; pra kujt i \u00ebsht\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb toka? Ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb edhe me nj\u00eb bespremje t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb koh\u00eb demokracie, n\u00eb kuptimin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, t\u00eb shteti modern. Sepse diskursi i PD \u00ebsht\u00eb bazu n\u00eb iden\u00eb e rikthimit t\u00eb pron\u00ebs, por b\u00ebn nj\u00eb kompromis t\u00eb aty p\u00ebr atysh\u00ebm n\u00eb korrikun e 91-shit n\u00eb mos gaboj. Pasi votoi pro k\u00ebtij ligji. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb nuk i kemi gjetur asnj\u00ebher\u00eb procesverbalet e asaj seance parlamentare\u2014ku edhe PD e ka votu pro ligjin 7501. E ka pranu edhe publikisht q\u00eb e ka votu pro, por nuk e kemi diskutimin e plot\u00eb si \u00ebsht\u00eb diskutu. Vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb grup shum\u00eb i vog\u00ebl e ka refuzu. Pse? Kur kam pyetur pastaj\u2014sepse k\u00ebtu jemi n\u00eb etnografi, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ana m\u00eb e fort\u00eb e antropologjis\u00eb\u2014ish-deputet\u00eb dhe persona q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00ebn elektorale n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, PD dhe partit\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht kan\u00eb vepru me dy standarte. N\u00eb nj\u00ebren an\u00eb kan\u00eb votu k\u00ebt\u00eb ligj 7501, n\u00eb krahun tjet\u00ebr kur kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00ebn n\u00eb terren u kan\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb njer\u00ebzve \u2018merreni tok\u00ebn tuaj, s\u2019ka problem, e shohim pun\u00ebn e ligjit.\u2019 Pra edhe artikulimi i ndarjes sipas tradit\u00ebs kryesisht n\u00eb Veri dhe n\u00eb zona t\u00eb tjera, ndarja e tok\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt n\u00eb dor\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzve. \u04aa\u2019ka dua t\u00eb theksoj me k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2013 sigurisht ka qen\u00eb vullneti i tyre, por ka qen\u00eb edhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb leximi politik q\u00eb i kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e kemi pak t\u00eb dokumentueme. Dhe k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz q\u00eb mua m\u00eb kan\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb \u2018t\u00eb lutem mos ma thuaj emrin.\u2019 Un\u00eb nuk e kam shkruaj dot emrin, por personat jan\u00eb t\u00eb njohur publikisht. Nd\u00ebrkaq mbaj mend dhe vet\u00eb, se n\u00eb vitin 1991, PD shp\u00ebrndante n\u00ebp\u00ebr shkolla nj\u00eb cop\u00eb let\u00ebr t\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb dy tre rreshta, ku zihej n\u00eb goj\u00eb kthimi i tok\u00ebs dhe asfaltimi i rrug\u00ebve\u2026<\/span><\/p>

Megjithat\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb fush\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u studiuar prap. Sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb moment shum\u00eb interesant, n\u00eb sensin e sjelljes politike; sesi dikush sillet p\u00ebrkundrejt ligjit. Pra, 7501 vendos nj\u00eb kontekst deri n\u00eb 1994 si ligj kryesor p\u00ebr tok\u00ebn bujq\u00ebsore, por s\u00ebrish \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebr t\u00eb paktit ligje n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e njohin me num\u00ebr. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, nuk ke nevoje p\u00ebr t\u2019u th\u00ebn\u00eb ligji p\u00ebr tok\u00ebn, por 7501. Nuk e njeh kush numrin e Kushtetut\u00ebs, as sesa \u00ebsht\u00eb Kodi Penal ose Civil, me num\u00ebr nuk e di kush, ose vet\u00ebm profesionist\u00ebt e l\u00ebmit. Por 7501 e din\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb sepse ka qen\u00eb \u2018ligj themelor\u2019, prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb interesante sesi \u00ebsht\u00eb shkrujt politikisht. N\u00eb vitin 1994 kemi at\u00eb momentin e daljes s\u00eb ligjit p\u00ebr kthimin dhe kompensimin e pron\u00ebs. Pra vjen e artikulohet koncepti i rikthimit. Por, ky ligj nuk vepron duke shuajtur efektet e 7501. Do t\u00eb veproj\u00eb mbi at\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb ka kriju 7501. Pra, nuk thuhet se ligji 7501 bie, e tash t\u2019ua kthejm\u00eb njer\u00ebzve pron\u00ebn pastaj \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb ngelet po e ndajm\u00eb sipas nj\u00eb forme tjet\u00ebr. Jo, 7501 e ka t\u00eb shprehur ne nenin 8, n\u00eb mosgaboj p\u00ebr nenin, \u2018nuk njihen as kufijt\u00eb as trash\u00ebgimia e m\u00ebparshme.\u2019 Pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb kriju kjo gjeografi ligjore e pron\u00ebsore prej ligjit 7501, \u00ebsht\u00eb nda toka, pastaj vjen nj\u00eb moment rikthimi.<\/span><\/p>

Tani vijm\u00eb n\u00eb 2005. Ju e dini, viti ’97 ka vendos shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb prag t\u00eb nj\u00eb vetmbytje traumatike. PD i duhet t\u00eb mbledhi flukse p\u00ebr me u rikthy prap n\u00eb pushtet. Dhe nj\u00eb nga shqet\u00ebsimet kryesore \u00ebsht\u00eb se si do sillet me ish-pronar\u00ebt dhe si do sillet me t\u00eb ardhurit. Dy kategori, nj\u00ebra p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb historike e afirmume me PD me nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim shum\u00eb konservator, nd\u00ebrsa tjetra me nj\u00eb m\u00ebnjanim t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurit nga PS q\u00eb \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht i mbante larg, ku do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019i kishte inkuadru m\u00eb shpejt brenda vet\u00ebvetes si e majt\u00eb. Por i ardhuri u trajtu shum\u00eb negativisht n\u00eb diskursin e PS-s\u00eb. Kujtoj Ben Blushin dhe drejtorin e tanish\u00ebm t\u00eb Aluizmit q\u00eb i trajtonin si kolon\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurit, pra me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrbuzje, e batuta. Degjoje n\u00eb jo pak emisione televizive q\u00eb t\u2019ju referoheshin me termin kolon\u00eb: \u2018kan\u00eb ardh\u00eb k\u00ebtu ca kolon\u00eb e na kan\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb tok\u00ebn.\u2019 Dhe zakonisht debatet organizoheshin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb interesante. Ftohej kryetari i bashkis\u00eb i zon\u00ebs s\u00eb Laprak\u00ebs ose Kamz\u00ebs, ose banor\u00eb q\u00eb kishin shqet\u00ebsimet e tyre (si psh n\u00eb emisione si TopShow mbaj mend, eksponent si Artan Lame dhe Ben Blushi, \u2018\u00e7unat e sofistikum\u2019 t\u00eb PS q\u00eb i trajtonin me leht\u00ebsi t\u00eb ardhurit si di\u00e7ka q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i tep\u00ebrt n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb). Madje un\u00eb jam gjet\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb takim q\u00eb zhvillohej kur \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur termi plebej dhe patric\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb ndarje n\u00eb mes t\u00eb ardhur\u00ebve dhe vendasve. N\u00eb fakt, nuk e din\u00eb dhe m\u00eb ka ardh keq p\u00ebr fol\u00ebsit q\u00eb nuk e din\u00eb historin\u00eb e Rom\u00ebs se plebejt kan\u00eb b\u00eb Rom\u00ebn! Pa i hy historis\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrafsh diskursiv plebejt\u00eb jan\u00eb di\u00e7ka e prapambetur, patric\u00ebt ishin fisnik\u00eb. Fol\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb i majt\u00eb. Kemi k\u00ebt\u00eb skizofrenin\u00eb e t\u00eb majt\u00ebs europiane dhe shqiptare q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe elitiste, por edhe e do t\u00eb varfrin aty me vete. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, ky ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb diskurs shum\u00eb prezent n\u00eb PS dhe t\u00eb ardhurin ia ka ba dhurat\u00eb paket\u00eb PD-s\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb gaf\u00eb politike kjo q\u00eb sapo tham\u00eb, e nj\u00ebherazi nj\u00eb fakt etnografik, dhe po t\u00eb shkojm\u00eb mbrapa n\u00eb koh\u00eb sheh nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb strukturume referuar t\u00eb ardhurit n\u00eb post-komuniz\u00ebm ushqyer p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht prej etnografis\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtume gjat\u00eb komunizmit. Etnografia shtet\u00ebrore e nd\u00ebrtume gjat\u00eb komunizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb etnografi e ndame \u2013 jo etnografia e realizume prej etnograf\u00ebve \u2013 por etnografia e imagjinume n\u00eb rrug\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore bazohet mbi ndarjen krahinore e cila operon sipas k\u00ebtyre rregullave \u2013 Veriu ka funksionin e natyr\u00ebs, dhe Jugu ka t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs; q\u00eb kur i duhet veriori i duhet me arkaiken, primitiven, origjinalen, komb\u00ebtaren dhe Veriu \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi ideal me e k\u00ebrku; kur i duhet zhvillimi, komunikimi me t\u00eb hujin e t\u00eb tjer\u00eb me rradh\u00eb vendi ideal \u00ebsht\u00eb Jugu. Un\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk kam lexu nj\u00eb raport solid, as historik, as etnografik, pse nj\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb i vendosur si m\u00eb i avancum se tjetri. Personalisht, nuk kam nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb. Pra, mos t\u2019i hyjm\u00eb k\u00ebtij kurthi, pra me th\u00ebn\u00eb se k\u00ebta jan\u00eb m\u00eb superior\u00eb se ata t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Nuk e di realisht, sepse m\u00eb duhen instrumenta t\u00eb tjer\u00eb me mat kultur\u00ebn me th\u00ebn\u00eb se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i avancum se kush, por kjo ka dominu q\u00eb n\u00eb shek XIX. Ndoshta kjo ndarje \u00ebsht\u00eb inspiru ve\u00e7 ndarjes bazu n\u00eb fakte empirike, dhe vet\u00eb faktet empirike jan\u00eb zbulu prej dy imagjinatave dominante n\u00eb diskursin etnografik, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht asaj iluministe dhe romantike.<\/span><\/p>

\u04aaudit\u00ebrisht i ardhuri p\u00ebr shum\u00eb arsye lidhet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me veriorin, dhe veriori me t\u00eb prapambeturin. E kemi parasysh pastaj, e keni parasysh spektaklin Portokalli ku i prapambeturi \u00ebsht\u00eb leshtor, i djersitum, flet trash\u00eb dhe njer\u00ebzit duartrokasin. Dhe n\u00ebqoft\u00ebse ti reagon prej pozit\u00ebs po themi prej nga jam un\u00eb duket si mbrojtje krahinore, \u2018ja nj\u00eb mbrojtje prej dikujt q\u00eb vuan nga komplekset!\u2019. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb k\u00ebto lloj diskursesh do ishin shum\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb mendohet me njoh\u00eb veten si shoq\u00ebri reflektive. Madje shum\u00eb dijetar nuk do kurseheshin me i pas qujt shovinizma, racizma, dhe jo thjesht me termin krahinarizma. Por kuptohet se gjuha politike dhe diskursi politik shqiptar \u00ebsht\u00eb i varf\u00ebr n\u00eb k\u00ebto terma dhe i duket luks a tepri. Ne nuk e p\u00ebrdorim racizmin as kur i p\u00ebr\u00e7mojm\u00eb rom\u00ebt, lene pastaj kur e p\u00ebrdorim ndaj nj\u00ebri-tjetrit. Por q\u00eb ia vlen me mendu rreth k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtje, ia vlen fort. Nuk po them se \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebanshme, vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebra an\u00eb sulmon tjetr\u00ebn. \u00cbsht\u00eb edhe ana tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb b\u00ebn t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn. Por p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shifrave elektorale PD-s\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb dasht me qen\u00eb m\u00eb e kujdesshme me pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Dhe gjithmon\u00eb ka tregu kujdes mos me nd\u00ebrtu nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb kaq segreguese. Por nuk po them qe \u00ebsht\u00eb e pajisun me vet\u00ebdije dhe me nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim etik. \u00cbsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb prej nevoj\u00ebs. Sepse nuk i ka pas\u00eb numrat politik, ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn ky \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebzhgimi im q\u00eb don me u thellu aty, dhe n\u00ebse nuk rezulton k\u00ebshtu do t\u00eb reflektoj n\u00eb pun\u00ebn time. H\u00eb p\u00ebr h\u00eb nuk e kam shum\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim diskurin n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00eb PD sesa e kam shqet\u00ebsim se si projektohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb diskurs tjet\u00ebr dhe sesi \u00ebsht\u00eb artikulu te rasti i legalizimit.<\/span><\/p>

Tani, ju e keni parasysh, si\u00e7 thash\u00eb 2005 \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti i kthes\u00ebs, ose rikthimi, ose gjetjes s\u00eb konceptit t\u00eb legalizimit si nj\u00eb zgjidhje. Por k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb kalu shpejt e shpejt, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb analizu si ka ardh\u00eb ky koncept, nga kush ka ardh\u00eb, si erdhi, tek erdhi. Ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb studiues mund ta din\u00eb, por n\u00eb publik \u00ebsht\u00eb pak e th\u00ebn\u00eb. M\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kuptu si hajde t\u2019u japim zgjidhje njer\u00ebzve. Por n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, n\u00eb shkurt-mars 2005 \u00ebsht\u00eb ftu Hernando de Soto (autor i Misterit t\u00eb Kapitalizmit dhe i veprave t\u00eb tjera) i cili kishte argumentu se pse duhet legalizimi, pse legalizimi i pronave dhe aseteve \u00ebsht\u00eb i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr kapitalizmin, p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb e nj\u00eb vendi. Ai mendohet si nj\u00eb nga mendimtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve rreth ekonomis\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs. Nuk po hyj t\u2019i b\u00ebj vler\u00ebsime un\u00eb, por prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb ftu.<\/span><\/p>

Ideja e tij baz\u00eb ka qen\u00eb kjo: kur ai analizonte Max Weberin dhe F. Braudelin, dy autor\u00ebt e tij m\u00eb t\u00eb preferum p\u00ebrreth origjinave t\u00eb kapitalizmit, ai na arsyeton se as Weberi dhe as Braudeli nuk ka plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb drejt\u00eb me teorin\u00eb e tij. De Soto thot\u00eb se as nj\u00ebri as tjetri s\u2019kan\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe sipas tij \u00e7eshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb se k\u00ebto ekonomi, pra si Gjermania, si Franca, si SHBA, i kan\u00eb kapitalizu, i kan\u00eb regjistru asetet e tyre. \u00c7do koh\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb pas\u00eb nevoj\u00eb. Pra kan\u00eb kapitalizu ekonomin\u00eb e tyre. Dhe jep rastet se si ka ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb XY, rreth Parisit, si ka ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb, si ka ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr. Me pak fjal\u00eb, morali \u00ebsht\u00eb se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kan\u00eb legalizu asetet informale, p\u00ebrfshi dhe tok\u00ebn e pushtuar, por sot nuk e pranojn\u00eb m\u00eb, ose nuk e z\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb goj\u00eb. Pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb harru si pro\u00e7es. \u00cbsht\u00eb pushtu dhe m\u00eb pas legalizu territori q\u00eb kan\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, asetet q\u00eb kan\u00eb kriju t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb joligjore jan\u00eb legalizu prej shtetit, por n\u00eb forma t\u00eb tjera. Ai thot\u00eb: at\u00ebher\u00eb, pse t\u00eb mos e b\u00ebjm\u00eb prap. Kur dikush shtron \u00e7eshtjen se \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe se si mund ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb, nj\u00eb nga shembujt q\u00eb ai preferon, tregon kur ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb Bali n\u00eb Indonezi, dikush e ka pyt si t\u2019ia b\u00ebjm\u00eb p\u00ebr me i legalizu, p\u00ebr me gjet\u00eb hartat dhe kufijt\u00eb, se \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Ai kishte kalu nj\u00eb eksperienc\u00eb, kur qent\u00eb e secilit pronar dilnin n\u00eb kufi dhe nuk lejonin kur kaloje kufirin e tjetrit. Dhe ai k\u00ebshillon: kufijt\u00eb vendosini ku leh qeni. Ideja \u00ebsht\u00eb me qen\u00eb shum\u00eb praktik, mos me e zgjat\u00eb shum\u00eb argumentin. Ka zgjidhje, po t\u00eb doni i gjeni kufijt\u00eb. Nuk i gjeni n\u00eb dokumenta, por i gjeni n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, n\u00eb forma t\u00eb caktueme si \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb rasti m\u00eb spektakolar p\u00ebr nga ana kulturale q\u00eb ka marr\u00eb ai.<\/span><\/p>

Tani vijm\u00eb tek momenti i moraleve: si mund ta legalizosh tok\u00ebn e pushtueme, si mund ta legalizosh at\u00eb q\u00eb i ka marr\u00eb pron\u00ebn tjetrit? \u00cbsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr moralin ligjor t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme kur prona private \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kulmin e mistifikimit t\u00eb saj, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb komunizmit dhe t\u00eb programeve\/platformave t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, por edhe t\u00eb jurisprudenc\u00ebs bashkohore kur prona private \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kulmin e respektit t\u00eb saj, ose ku i k\u00ebrkohet shtetit t\u00eb respektoj\u00eb s\u00eb pari pron\u00ebn private. K\u00ebtu argumenti kalohet shpejt e shpejt nga PD dhe PS. Kalohet: ok, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt i kryem, njer\u00ebzit e kan\u00eb ba eksperimentin e tyre, tani t\u2019i japim zgjidhje. I dini dy platformat e famshme 2005-2007. PS- k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul te platforma, \u2018duhet urbanizim, pastaj legalizim\u2019, nd\u00ebrsa PD- ja k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul te platforma, \u2018fillimisht legalizim, pastaj urbanizim\u2019. Dhe ju kuptoni\u2014 dometh\u00ebn\u00eb ne e dim\u00eb tashm\u00eb, se e kemi n\u00eb l\u00ebkur\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre\u2014q\u00eb kur vjen platforma elektorale t\u00eb dyja e llogarisin n\u00eb vot\u00eb, cila sjell m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Ju mund t\u00eb thoni se aty ka pas\u00eb edhe njer\u00ebz q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, sigurisht! Por n\u00eb fund t\u00eb dit\u00ebs, platforma \u00ebsht\u00eb pragmatike, cila jep vota m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Sepse \u00e7eshtja e pushtimit t\u00eb tok\u00ebs ka impaktu moralin e pron\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

\u00cbsht\u00eb \u00e7eshtja se si q\u00ebndron nj\u00ebra parti p\u00ebrkundrejt shtetit. Sepse nj\u00eb nga fillp\u00ebrshkrueset e dy debateve mes tyre ka qen\u00eb se cila di me ba shtet m\u00eb mir\u00eb se pala tjet\u00ebr (tjetri). Dhe PS ka k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul gjithmon\u00eb se PD s\u2019di me ba shtet. Dhe metafora q\u00eb i ka shku m\u00eb s\u00eb miri PD, e nxjerr\u00eb nga PS, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018rrumpalla\u2019. Pra, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 termit \u2018Malok\u2019, \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe \u2018Rrumpall\u00eb\u2019. Pra nuk b\u00ebjn\u00eb dot shtet. Por n\u00eb fakt k\u00ebt\u00eb diskurs e ka nis\u00eb, zanafillu, Ramiz Alia q\u00eb n\u00eb 90-91. E thoshte publikisht, \u2018demokracia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kopsht me lule, shteti nuk b\u00ebhet kollaj, pra nuk i keni kapacitetet me ba shtet\u2019. Dhe PD e ka vujt k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb pas here, dhe e ka v\u00ebrtetu se s\u2019din me ba shtet n\u00eb nj\u00eb rast atipik sepse ndodhi viti’97. Shpesh her\u00eb d\u00ebshtime spektakolare. Por PD ka dit\u00eb, dhe pastaj m\u00eb von\u00eb e merr si sjellje politike edhe PS, marton shtetin\/qeverisjen e vog\u00ebl si koncept me shtetin e d\u00ebshtum. \u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb intersante si martes\u00eb, nj\u00eb shtet i d\u00ebshtum apo n\u00eb skaje t\u00eb d\u00ebshtimit, q\u00eb argumentohet me qeverisjen e vog\u00ebl q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb argumenti neoliberal.<\/span><\/p>

\u04aafar\u00eb ndodh\u00eb? N\u00eb 2005 PD vjen n\u00eb pushtet jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr legalizimin. Por un\u00eb e mendoj si nj\u00eb variab\u00ebl shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb ka kontribu n\u00eb marrjen e votave. S\u00eb pari ishte teza anti-korrupsion, duart-e-pastra, koalicioni i gjer\u00eb me shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, LSI q\u00eb largohet nga PS, pra jan\u00eb shum\u00eb faktor\u00eb. Por nj\u00eb faktor q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo sjellje n\u00eb raport me legalizimin. Sepse do na vij\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb. Pastaj, gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs do shohim se si kalkulohet, dhe k\u00ebtu nis ajo q\u00eb un\u00eb e quaj si koha politike, temporaliteti q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin p\u00ebr ligjin p\u00ebr legalizimin dy partit\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb interesante sesi sillen. Limiti i par\u00eb ligjor q\u00eb PD vendos p\u00ebr legalizimin \u00ebsht\u00eb viti 2007. \u04aa\u2018\u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtu deri n\u00eb 2007 do legalizohet, t\u00eb tjerat nuk lejohen. Pastaj thot\u00eb deri n\u00eb 2009. Por 2007-2008 kemi zgjedhjet vendore, 2009 kemi zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme. Pastaj e l\u00eb n\u00eb heshtje k\u00ebt\u00eb, e shtyn deri n\u00eb 2011. Kemi nj\u00eb seri ndryshimesh. Dhe tani kemi Partin\u00eb Socialiste q\u00eb e ka shty prap. Ka ba 2013, 2015. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do situat\u00eb elektorale shtyhet afati i legalizimeve. Por pyetja q\u00eb shtrohet \u00ebsht\u00eb pse nuk kryhen t\u00eb gjitha legalizimet?<\/span><\/p>

Gjithmon\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb gjendje shk\u00ebmbimi, dhe e kam quajtur si sfera shk\u00ebmbimi dhe legjitimiteti mes Partive, Shtetit dhe Elektoratit. K\u00ebtu buron titulli i k\u00ebtij prezantimi q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018Shteti q\u00eb i druhem\u2019. N\u00eb fakt m\u00eb ka inspiru Rama me \u2018Shqip\u00ebria q\u00eb duam\u2019, \u2018ne b\u00ebjm\u00eb shtet\u2019. Fort p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb politike t\u00eb tranzicionit si koncepte. T\u00eb dyja q\u00eb vijn\u00eb dhe sjellin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb q\u00eb po flas. N\u00ebqoft\u00ebse ju kujtohet, Rama vjen k\u00ebtu n\u00eb vitin 2013, mes Kamz\u00ebs, dhe n\u00ebnshkruan nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb publike p\u00ebr legalizimin. Atmosfera elektorale \u00ebsht\u00eb e jashtzakonsh\u00ebme n\u00eb Kam\u00ebz. Kryeministri q\u00eb ishte menduar se asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk do jet\u00eb dakort me legalizu pron\u00ebn. Nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt politik ai ishte projektu se \u00ebsht\u00eb njeriu m\u00eb kund\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhurve se askush tjet\u00ebr. Por dikush e kishte k\u00ebshillu, apo ai vet intuitivisht kishte vendos q\u00eb n\u00eb moment t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs elektorale t\u00eb b\u00ebnte nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje. Si rrall\u00eb her\u00eb thot\u00eb\u2014nj\u00ebher\u00eb mban n\u00eb Paskuqan nj\u00eb fjalim (disa dit\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb Kam\u00ebz e t\u00eb shpallte kontrat\u00ebn publike) i cili kalon pa u vu shum\u00eb re. Ndoshta politikisht ishte nj\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb se kund\u00ebrshtari\u2014q\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb po e perifrazoj, \u2018vota e dh\u00ebn\u00eb me sy mbyllur vet\u00ebm se prej nga je dhe se prej nga vjen \u00ebsht\u00eb primitive dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb primitiviz\u00ebm, nd\u00ebrsa po m\u00eb dhat\u00eb mua vot\u00ebn, un\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb mandatin e par\u00eb do t\u2019i legalizoj t\u00eb gjitha. Ne nuk do t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi si Zvicra (edhe puna e Zvicr\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e fjalorit t\u00eb tranzicionit), por un\u00eb jap fjal\u00ebn se do e kryj k\u00ebt\u00eb pun\u00eb (legalizimin)\u2019.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb mundohet kryetari i bashkis\u00eb, Basha (ende nuk ishte zgjedhur kryetar i PD) me b\u00eb nj\u00eb reagim ndaj Ram\u00ebs duke dasht me tregu se \u2018ky nuk e ka mbajtur fjal\u00ebn kurr\u00eb, se ky gjithmon\u00eb nuk i ka dasht\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurit\u2019, por nuk z\u00eb vend ky reagim i PD. Pse? Sepse ishte p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb premtimi t\u00eb pambajtur, sepse njer\u00ebzit e dinin se PD nuk i kreu legalizimet n\u00eb afatet q\u00eb kishte premtu. Dhe njer\u00ebzit e dinin q\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb u shpik emri Shaban Tapia\u2014se s\u2019du me l\u00ebndu ask\u00ebnd se nuk e dim\u00eb se si jan\u00eb fijet e lidhjeve tona me njer\u00ebzit\u2014por u shpik ky term, duke iu referu m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si vepronte drejtori i ALUIZMIT n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e PD, q\u00eb drejtohej nga Shaban Memia. U tha se jo vet\u00ebm se nuk i b\u00ebn\u00eb legalizimet, por ishte edhe shum\u00eb sistem i korruptum. Dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb kam folur me shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz\u2014ju keni eksperiencat tuaja dhe mund t\u00eb flisni m\u00eb shum\u00eb se un\u00eb\u2014se si njer\u00ebzit thon\u00eb biles ne momentet e fundit kur po vinte PS n\u00eb pushtet ka nj\u00eb intensitet legalizimesh dhe korrupsioni sepse njer\u00ebzit tremben se PS deri n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment nuk do t\u2019i legalizoj\u00eb, dhe japin shum\u00eb para p\u00ebr legalizim n\u00eb moment t\u00eb fundit.<\/span><\/p>

Ndoshta ky moment u shfryt\u00ebzu jo pak nga ata q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbenin si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem korruptimi. Ndoshta vet\u00eb njer\u00ebzit reaguan duke gjetur vet\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb po ju ikte nga duart. K\u00ebrkuan t\u2019i legalizojn\u00eb n\u00eb momentin e fundit fatlum! Por n\u00eb fakt ky premtim i ardh nga Rama \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt befasues. Pastaj vjen i gjith\u00eb pro\u00e7esi\u2014nuk po hyj shum\u00eb n\u00eb detaje n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Pastaj vim\u00eb t\u00eb momenti tjet\u00ebr politik, ai i vitit 2015, pra nga 2013 kemi vitin 2015. Po ashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moment vale ndryshimesh ligjesh n\u00eb lidhje me k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje, nj\u00eb val\u00eb legalizimesh. Dhe n\u00eb fund kemi momentin m\u00eb syhap\u00ebs nga t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto ku vet\u00eb Kryeminsitri merr p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr me dal me shp\u00ebrnda legalizimet. Dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb si nj\u00eb ritual, si nj\u00eb rite de passage, ku sikur ai po pranon dik\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e ligjit, n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e shtetit. Po jo vet\u00ebm kaq. Ai del aty dhe thot\u00eb \u2018un\u00eb mbaj premtimet. Kam ba kaq t\u00eb mira. Hajde me emra’. B\u00ebhen batuta kush je ti kush jam un\u00eb. Ju e dini k\u00ebt\u00eb skem\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur sa v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t’i ket\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar dikujt pa par\u00eb edhe sikur t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb qen\u00eb subjekt i legalizimit. Ka qen\u00eb shum\u00eb e p\u00ebrfolur, por shum\u00eb e llogaritur politikisht nga ana Ram\u00ebs. Sot kemi prap hapur valvul\u00ebn e legalizimeve. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb zgjedhjeve drejtuesi i aluizmit deklaroi se ky proces nuk merr fund kurr\u00eb. Ai e tha si nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim publik q\u00eb s\u2019mbaron kurr\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Por arsyeja pse nuk mbaron kurr\u00eb nuk thuhet krejt shkoqur. Pjes\u00eb e ekonomis\u00eb politike t\u00eb legalizimit t\u00eb themeluar q\u00eb prej s\u00eb paku vitit 2005, nj\u00eb nga arsyet p\u00ebrve\u00e7 presionit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit, kompanive nd\u00ebrtuese, \u00ebsht\u00eb se vet\u00eb shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb sjellur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb votues. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit tash e kan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb me pranu se do t\u00eb mbaroj\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00eb. Kur takoj njer\u00ebz q\u00eb jan\u00eb duke nd\u00ebrtu shpia thojn\u00eb, \u2018po mir\u00eb pse mos ta b\u00ebj, e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt deri tani!\u2019. Sigurisht q\u00eb gjobiten m\u00eb shum\u00eb, sigurisht q\u00eb ka shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi me nd\u00ebrtu sot sesa ka pas\u00eb vite m\u00eb p\u00ebrpara. Absolutisht! T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ndjesia ime. Madje mund t\u00eb flasim, ose t\u00eb konfirmojm\u00eb teorin\u00eb e penalizmit t\u00eb skajsh\u00ebm t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs civile n\u00ebn petkun e kultur\u00ebs s\u00eb formalizmit apo etatizimit. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb dim\u00eb q\u00eb po nd\u00ebrtohet. Por me pak fjal\u00eb ky proces nuk ka marr\u00eb fund. Por ka ndodh\u00eb gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe ajo q\u00eb e kam qujt \u2018krijimi i zonave t\u00eb pritjes\u2019. \u00cbsht\u00eb tamam sikur pret n\u00eb aeroport, sikur pret me marr\u00eb viz\u00ebn. Nj\u00ebri thot\u00eb se vet\u00ebm un\u00eb e kryej p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vite. Pastaj 4 vite nuk b\u00ebhet asnj\u00ebher\u00eb. Pastaj zgjatet nj\u00eb afat tjet\u00ebr. Pastaj nj\u00eb afat tjet\u00ebr. Pastaj prap thuhet se un\u00eb nuk e b\u00ebj dot dhe kemi p\u00ebr ta mbyll\u00eb. Dhe gjithmon\u00eb ka shk\u00ebmbim politik dhe nj\u00eb ekonomi shk\u00ebmbimi t\u00eb prejardhur prej ligjit dhe praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb aplikimit t\u00eb tij.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebr ta mbyll\u00eb, mendoj se p\u00ebr me e p\u00ebrdor nj\u00eb term t\u00eb cilin e anashkalova q\u00eb nga fillimi deri m\u00eb tash, i cili mu ma jep mund\u00ebsin\u00eb me e inkuadru \u00e7far\u00eb po ndodh dhe me an\u00eb t\u00eb tij me kriju nj\u00eb analitik\u00eb q\u00eb inkuadron sferat e shk\u00ebmbimit, vot\u00eb, legalizim, lek\u00eb, gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto flukse q\u00eb ndodhin p\u00ebrshkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre hap\u00ebsirave q\u00eb krijon ligji \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb\u2014 liminaliteti i prejardhur prej tij liminalizmi. Ky koncept ndihmon me e shtri m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb raportin modernitet-shtet-njeri, politika q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur mbi legalizimin, gjeografin\u00eb dhe temporalitetin ligjor e politik. P\u00ebrtej termit liminalitet, kam k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00eb me p\u00ebrdor termin liminalizim. Po e spjegoj dhe po e mbyll pastaj fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr me e hap si bised\u00eb. Termi liminalitet vjen prej latinishtes dhe mund t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb prag, por mund t\u00eb ishte edhe n\u00eb mes dy bot\u00ebve ose n\u00eb mes dy kufijve. \u00cbsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb n\u00eb antropologji n\u00eb 1908, n\u00eb mos gaboj p\u00ebr vitin, nga nj\u00eb antropolog i skajum n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb mase n\u00eb historin\u00eb e antropologjis\u00eb deri von\u00eb, t\u00eb themi deri sa e rizbuloi nj\u00eb antropolog i shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Ma\u00e7esterit, Viktor Turner, aty nga vitet 60-t\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit XX. Tash koh\u00ebt e fundit e ka riartikulu Bjorn Tommsen dhe Agnes Horvath etj, studiues n\u00eb shkenca politike dhe antropologji.<\/span><\/p>

K\u00ebtu ne na intereson gjendja dhe jo historia e shkenc\u00ebs prandaj s\u2019po hy m\u00eb tej n\u00eb detaje t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb mendimit antropologjik mbi e rreth liminalitetit. P\u00ebr ta shpjeguar pak n\u00eb terma t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, liminaliteti \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje ku gjendet n\u00eb mes (betwixt and between) nj\u00eb gjendje kalimtare ose kaluese prej nj\u00eb stadi n\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, e ku m\u00eb t\u00eb zakonshmet ose m\u00eb leht\u00ebsisht t\u00eb shqueshme jan\u00eb ato q\u00eb njihen si ritet e purifikimit. E theksoj k\u00ebt\u00eb tipologji ritesh sepse na ndihmon shum\u00eb n\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebn e leximit antropologjik p\u00ebr rastin n\u00eb fjal\u00eb. Personi q\u00eb kalon nga nj\u00eb faz\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb jet\u00ebs duhet me kalu nj\u00ebfar\u00eb proces pastrimi trupit dhe moralit, dhe pajiset nj\u00ebherazi me nj\u00eb pranim si njeri n\u00eb kuptimin e plot\u00eb n\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi dhe kjo ndodh si nj\u00ebfar\u00eb gjendje kalimtare. Pra n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste njeriu nuk konsiderohet njeri. \u00cbsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb njeri, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Ose \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb, ose \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb. N\u00ebse nuk i m\u00ebson mir\u00eb formulat e ritualit, ai mund t\u00eb mos b\u00ebhet an\u00ebtar i grupit n\u00eb ritual. Dhe kjo gjendje nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsie \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb moment b\u00ebrjeje. N\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e vet Bjorn Thomassen, kur b\u00ebn \u2018Liminality and Modern (2014)\u2019 shprehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment ku po e perifrazoj, \u2018t\u00eb gjitha shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb tradicionale nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb aq budallaqe, ose aq t\u00eb trasha, sa t\u00eb mos i japin nj\u00eb fund ritit t\u00eb kalimit.”<\/em> Pra riti i kalimit mbaron n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb caktum. Vet\u00ebm shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb moderne ofrojn\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00eb jetuarit n\u00eb nj\u00eb kusht t\u00eb pambarmt\u00eb t\u00eb kalimsis\u00eb. Pra n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb tradicionale liminaliteti ka nj\u00eb fund. Por shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb moderne, disa nga shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb moderne do t\u00eb thosha un\u00eb, jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb liminalitet t\u00eb pafund. Pra rrin\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen \u2018e t\u00eb b\u00ebrit\u201d. Po vijoj me perifrazimin e Thomassen \u2018kur shoq\u00ebria rri gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb, qoft\u00eb si shoq\u00ebri qoft\u00eb n\u00eb mundimin p\u00ebr tu b\u00ebr\u00eb njeri, shoq\u00ebria b\u00ebhet patologjike dhe njer\u00ebzit b\u00ebhen t\u00eb \u00e7mendur<\/em>\u2019. Sepse nuk i thuhet kurr\u00eb se ku \u00ebsht\u00eb fundi. Kjo th\u00ebnie \u00ebsht\u00eb radikale. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb shum\u00eb psikologjike. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb provokim shum\u00eb i fort\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Pyetja q\u00eb shtroj un\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb, po kur k\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebn shteti?! Pra nuk mjafton termi liminalitet, por m\u00eb duhet termi liminalizim kur k\u00ebt\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb t\u00eb pabames, t\u00eb pakryerjes, t\u00eb gjendjes q\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb rri p\u00ebr t\u2019u ba, kur k\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebn shteti do ta quaja ndryshe kur ekonomia politike e shtetit q\u00eb krijon gjendjen q\u00eb nuk don me u kry. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se s\u2019ka mund\u00ebsi me u kry. Por i duhen gjithmon\u00eb njer\u00ebz q\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb kry nj\u00eb stad, q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb ba plot\u00ebsisht pronar t\u00eb gj\u00ebs\u00eb, sepse i duhet p\u00ebr me shk\u00ebmby me ta vot\u00ebn, interesin, me e p\u00ebrul\u00eb, me e konsideru subjekt. Dhe kjo harrohet shpesh her\u00eb prej njer\u00ebzve. Dhe po t\u2019i hyjm\u00eb krahasimit me d\u00ebshir\u00ebn ose sugjerimin e De Sotos n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2005, q\u00eb legalizimi ndihmon kapitalizimin e ekonomis\u00eb, mua m\u00eb rezulton se njer\u00ebzit nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb interesuar p\u00ebr ta kapitalizuar pron\u00ebn e tyre shum\u00eb, por jan\u00eb t\u00eb interesuem me e mbrojt\u00eb pron\u00ebn e tyre prej shtetit, se shteti i l\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb frik\u00ebsuem se n\u00ebse nuk e legalizon un\u00eb ta shkat\u00ebrroj. Dhe nuk e dim\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb hart\u00ebn e zhvillimit se ku bie rruga, shkolla etj. Dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb ky presion i madh mbi njerin, q\u00eb tani ka fitu k\u00ebt\u00eb dimension t\u00eb frik\u00ebs n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs s\u00eb theksuar t\u00eb formalizmit, n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs n\u00eb shpirt etatiste p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb shtetit e jo p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb njeriut. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7eshtja se un\u00eb po g\u00ebzoj se u b\u00ebra pronar dhe me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast mund t\u00eb marr kredi e k\u00ebshtu me rradh\u00eb, por \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim frika prej shtetit, prej ku buron edhe titulli \u2018shteti q\u00eb i druhem\u2019.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb bised\u00ebs me t\u00eb pranishmit jan\u00eb prekur gjithashtu \u00e7eshtjet e m\u00ebposhtme:<\/span>
\u2022 Arsyet e prezantimit n\u00eb Kam\u00ebz<\/span>
\u2022 Gjenealogjia e domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb shp\u00ebrnguljeve nga fshatrat.<\/span>
\u2022 Antropologjia e angazhuar si domosdoshm\u00ebri p\u00ebr dalje nga \u2018paraliza e analiz\u00ebs\u2019.<\/span>
\u2022 Demokracia liberale si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb q\u00eb njeriu t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb subjektivitetin e vet.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Shteti q\u00eb i druhem<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201cShteti q\u00eb i druhem\u201d, \u00ebsht\u00eb leksion inagurues i Laboratorit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Urbane (LAU, 2017), krijuar pran\u00eb Institutit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Kulturore dhe Studimit t\u00eb Artit, mbajtur n\u00eb qendr\u00ebn e Grupit Ata n\u00eb Kam\u00ebz. Prof. as Dr. Nebi Bardhoshi \u00ebsht\u00eb Drejtor i Institutit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Kulturore dhe Studimit t\u00eb Artit, Akademia e Studimeve Albanologjike, Tiran\u00eb, si dhe nj\u00ebherazi drejtues i Laboratorit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Urbane. Q\u00ebllimi kryesor i LAU \u00ebsht\u00eb krijimi i nj\u00eb grupi studimor, i cili rreh \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb lidhen me hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn dhe jet\u00ebn urbane, si dhe ushtrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb antropologji apo dije humane t\u00eb angazhuar. Materiali i paraqitur k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb transkriptim i fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb in\u00e7izuar, transkriptuar nga aktivist\u00ebt e grupit Ata, nj\u00ebherazi t\u00eb angazhuar n\u00eb redaksin\u00eb e 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