{"id":897,"date":"2017-12-20T05:12:38","date_gmt":"2017-12-20T04:12:38","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nyje.al\/?p=897"},"modified":"2024-08-16T12:07:19","modified_gmt":"2024-08-16T10:07:19","slug":"kamza-si-shenjues-dhe-si-realitet-social","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/kamza-si-shenjues-dhe-si-realitet-social\/","title":{"rendered":"Kamza, si sh\u00ebnjues dhe si realitet social"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Prof. Dr. Nebi Bardhoshi | 20.12.2017 | nyje.al<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

Kjo fjal\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb rrok shqet\u00ebsimin mbi imazhin publik, e kam fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr at\u00eb negativ, t\u00eb ngritur p\u00ebr Kamz\u00ebn. Edhe pse jo n\u00eb detaje, kjo analiz\u00eb e shkurt\u00ebr do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb ftoj\u00eb n\u00eb reflektim, sesi disa t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb m\u00ebtuara absolute, s\u2019jan\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se shprehi e shtjerrimit t\u00eb ideve politike kreative, dhe po aq hedhin shtat n\u00eb heshtjen e studiuesve t\u00eb shkencave humane n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. <\/span>Shpresa ime, \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb kjo fjal\u00eb, t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdoret e as t\u00eb kuptohet si mburoj\u00eb apo si tentativ\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u q\u00ebmtuar brenda shoq\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhur\u00ebve!<\/span><\/p>

Kamza, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rast konkret e po aq paradigmatik. Ajo, krijimi i saj, \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb nj\u00eb regjimi totalitar, nj\u00eb regjim edhe i flijimit edhe i masakr\u00ebs q\u00eb b\u00ebnte \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb asgj\u00ebsuar tjetrin brenda vetes. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Kamza \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehi e hapjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb shtegu kalimtar drejt nj\u00eb imagjinate europiane, e cila p\u00ebr ideal t\u00eb saj, ka krijimin e nj\u00eb fushe sociale, ku njeriu ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrshfaq t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht dinjitetin. Po aq, Kamza \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehi e nj\u00eb bote gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje, ku gjuha e p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb prodhimin e Tjetrit b\u00ebhet instrumentale.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb post-socialiste shqiptare, Europa n\u00eb nivel ideal do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte trualli imagjinar, i cili do t\u00eb ndihmonte n\u00eb dekurajimin e krijimit t\u00eb Tjetrit Instrumental, por si d\u00ebshmon rasti i Kamz\u00ebs- marr\u00eb si rast paradigmatik- Europa \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar t\u00eb kund\u00ebrtin lokal. Krijimi i t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebs n\u00eb vetvete nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb akt p\u00ebr t\u2019u shqet\u00ebsuar, por kur ky tjet\u00ebr projektohet si i padenj\u00eb dhe i p\u00ebr\u00e7muar, at\u00ebher\u00eb k\u00ebtu do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb pik\u00ebniste shqet\u00ebsimi.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb leximin tim, diskursi publik, i udh\u00ebhequr prej atij politik, duke marr\u00eb Europ\u00ebn si shenj\u00eb referuese, kolovitet nga Kamza te Blloku. T\u00eb dy k\u00ebto shenja, troje imagjinare e sociale, p\u00ebrdoren r\u00ebndom sa her\u00eb shtjerrin idet\u00eb kreative. N\u00ebse p\u00ebr Bllokun apo p\u00ebr ish-Bllokun ka nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim publik p\u00ebr t\u00eb matur dhe p\u00ebrballur me t\u00eb, p\u00ebr rastin e Kamz\u00ebs p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht heshtet n\u00eb mjediset e shkencave sociale.<\/span><\/p>

Fol\u00ebsi, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysm\u00ebn e ekonomis\u00eb informale gjen rast t\u00eb tronditet kur p\u00ebrmendet pushtimi i tok\u00ebs. Imazhi i Kamz\u00ebs, lidhet me pushtimin e tok\u00ebs prej njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb ardhur kryesisht nga viset malore- veriore, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme, pra duke pushtuar tok\u00ebn! Duke jetuar ashtu si din\u00eb ata vet\u00eb. T\u00eb ngrir\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb. Krejt t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Krejt nj\u00eb mendim politik. Krejt dor\u00ebzuar ndaj k\u00ebtij fati. Nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb jo urbane! <\/span>K\u00ebsisoj, Kamza, \u00ebsht\u00eb zona m\u00eb politike, ve\u00e7 Bllokut. Kamza merret si shenj\u00eb p\u00ebrul\u00ebse p\u00ebr shum\u00ebk\u00ebnd n\u00eb politik\u00eb e n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike. E kjo paradoksalisht vjen kryesisht prej s\u00eb Majt\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>

Inferioriteti kulturor supozohet t\u2019i ket\u00eb paraprir\u00eb gjith\u00eb shkeljeve t\u00eb tjera. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto sh\u00ebnjues, i p\u00ebrmbush, apo i n\u00ebnshtaton bot\u00ebkuptimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhurin. I ardhuri, n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb moderne shikohet si shqet\u00ebsim. E kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb simptom\u00eb e modernitetit, i cili pajis fol\u00ebs me gjuh\u00eb klishe. Por studiuesi i shkencave humane p\u00ebrs\u00ebri zgjedh t\u00eb hesht.<\/span><\/p>

Jo t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurit, por kryesisht t\u00eb ardhurit brenda nesh, ose prej periferive ekonomike, shihen nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht si t\u00eb ardhur inferior p\u00ebr nga ana kulturore. Edhe ata q\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb argument, ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pamje, s\u2019kan\u00eb aspak p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Q\u00ebllimisht ose jo, mbrojt\u00ebsit e krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb imazh i cili nuk jep mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb reflektuar mbi t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn. K\u00ebsisoj, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve mbrojt\u00ebsit e t\u00eb ardhurit jan\u00eb t\u00eb pajisur po aq me nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb klishe, t\u00eb krijuar prej nj\u00eb etnografie apo historie t\u00eb ngrir\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb. <\/span>Kujtoj rastin kur nj\u00eb gazetare e re n\u00eb Norvegji kritikon me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb nj\u00eb prej studiuesve me em\u00ebr n\u00eb bot\u00eb n\u00eb antropologjin\u00eb sociale, Hylland Eriksen, kur i kujtonte se ajo si vajz\u00eb me prejardhje nga Pakistani, nuk kishte nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb antropologji q\u00eb legjitimon babain pakistanez q\u00eb vret vajz\u00ebn e tij, pse ajo k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb sipas m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs norvegjeze.<\/span><\/p>

Kamza si shembull paradigmatik, si nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb gjuhe plot klishe, ngelet, k\u00ebsisoj, nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u matur me t\u00eb. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb sfid\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7do studiues t\u00eb shkencave humane, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu dhe jurist\u00ebt. T\u00eb cil\u00ebt, m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr parimin e shtet\u00ebrores, apo parimit t\u00eb pron\u00ebs e shenjt\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb saj kan\u00eb anashkaluar njer\u00ebzoren.<\/span><\/p>

Ka edhe m\u00eb. \u201cIntelektual\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, shprehin gjith\u00eb simpatin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sistem totalitar dhe vet\u00eb debatet publike mbi qytetin, marrin si shembull t\u00eb mir\u00eb qytetin gjat\u00eb komunizmit. Un\u00eb mendoj se gjat\u00eb komunizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb zor t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr qytet, n\u00ebse qytetin e marrim si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb sociale q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb parin shqet\u00ebsim e kan\u00eb mendimin e lir\u00eb! Pra mendoj se nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb e zot\u00ebruar totalisht prej nj\u00eb mendimi diktatorial, s\u2019mund t\u00eb quhet qytet. Ose s\u00eb paku, do duhej r\u00ebn\u00eb dakort q\u00eb d\u00ebshtimet shtet\u00ebrore, n\u00eb post-socializ\u00ebm t\u00eb mos shikoheshin si faje t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurit.<\/span><\/p>

Le t\u00eb marrim shembullin e pushtimit t\u00eb tok\u00ebs, n\u00eb dukje argumentin m\u00eb kok\u00ebfort\u00eb p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrsh\u00ebnjuar truallin e Kamz\u00ebs si shembull t\u00eb kundraligjshmes dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb si nj\u00eb realitet social anti-europian. E kur themi anti-europian, tamam tamam kuptimi q\u00eb merr lokalisht \u00ebsht\u00eb gati-gati anti-njeri! P\u00ebr mendimin tim \u00e7\u00ebshtja n\u00eb fjal\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb komplekse, por le t\u00eb mos e p\u00ebrdorim kompleksitetin e as pushtimin. Rreth \u00be e bot\u00ebs urbane bashk\u00ebkohore jeton n\u00eb informalitet. Trajtat e informalitetit jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme. Kjo statistik\u00eb s\u2019duhet t\u00eb na b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb themi se k\u00ebshtu duhet, por duhet t\u00eb na sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb q\u00eb informaliteti t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdoret si kategori p\u00ebr t\u00eb klasifikuar disa njer\u00ebz si jo njer\u00ebz apo thjesht\u00eb si t\u00eb prapambetur.<\/span><\/p>

A \u00ebsht\u00eb Kamza Europ\u00eb? N\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb dominuara nga mungesa e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, informaliteti ka gjasat t\u00eb jet\u00eb akti m\u00eb njer\u00ebzor, moralisht m\u00eb i drejti. S\u00eb dyti n\u00eb rrafsh historik, p\u00ebr truallin europian, pushtimi i tok\u00ebs dhe vet\u00eb informaliteti nuk ka q\u00ebn\u00eb tabu. Tabuja e shenjt\u00ebrimit t\u00eb tok\u00ebs prej pushtimit, \u00ebsht\u00eb e von\u00eb. Kjo tabu \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehi e mitologjis\u00eb laike t\u00eb legjislacionit modern. Por ia vlen ta p\u00ebrkrahim. Me nj\u00eb kusht. Q\u00eb kjo shenjt\u00ebri e tok\u00ebs, t\u00eb mos dal\u00eb as jasht\u00eb kontekstit, e as t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb nj\u00eb mastar p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzoren. Shkurt \u00e7far\u00eb dua t\u00eb them me k\u00ebt\u00eb. Shumica e njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb k\u00ebto troje informale e kan\u00eb bler\u00eb tok\u00ebn. Por edhe n\u00ebs\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, pra ta marrim sikur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb tok\u00ebn e kan\u00eb pushtuar, ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb argument p\u00ebr t\u2019i posht\u00ebruar. “<\/span>Intelektualit nga Tirana”, i mjafton t\u00eb hedhin nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim n\u00eb katet e ep\u00ebrme, por edhe thjesht\u00eb n\u00eb universitetin apo institucionin q\u00eb punon dhe do t\u00eb konstatoj\u00eb shpejt se jeton m\u2019u n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kamz\u00ebs q\u00eb ka projektuar p\u00ebr ta klasifikuar tjetrin si inferior.<\/span><\/p>

Idealet e Europ\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme, nuk do t\u00eb lejonin ngritjen e nj\u00eb diskursi kaq p\u00ebr\u00e7mues ndaj t\u00eb ardhurit, e ndaj kujtdo tjet\u00ebr. Pra diskursi anti-kamziot, ose kund\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhurit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb diskurs n\u00eb themel anti-njer\u00ebzor e bashk\u00eb me t\u00eb anti-europian. Europa si ideal, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt humanist, ku i huaji gjendet n\u00eb truallin e vet social, e ku ligji duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb sociale p\u00ebr artikulimin e dinjitetit njer\u00ebzor. Shoq\u00ebri si e jona, duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb din\u00eb t\u00eb reflektojn\u00eb thell\u00eb mbi t\u00eb ardhurin. <\/span>Vendasit duhet t\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb sa her\u00eb ka t\u00eb ardhur, sepse i ardhuri \u00ebsht\u00eb shenj\u00eb se ai qytet, ai vend do t\u00eb ket\u00eb jet\u00eb. E kund\u00ebrta do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte shqet\u00ebsim.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebr ta mbyllur. Kamza, institucionet vendore, e \u00e7do qytetar, duhet t\u00eb vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsohen sot se qytetet jan\u00eb sa hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb nacionales po aq dhe globale. Kamza, si \u00e7do hap\u00ebsir\u00eb sociale n\u00eb \u201cperiferi\u201d duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb ngrej\u00eb kapacitetet e saj krijuese. T\u00eb krijoj\u00eb rrjete sociale, jo vet\u00ebm me vendas, por me njer\u00ebz q\u00eb n\u00eb themel t\u00eb tyre kan\u00eb kreativitetin si replikues me \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebhet penges\u00eb p\u00ebr zhvillimin e dinjitetit njer\u00ebzor, e mbi t\u00eb gjitha kreativitetin si shpallja e shprehi e njer\u00ebzores.<\/span><\/p>

Prof. as. dr. Nebi Bardhoshi, \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtues i departamentit t\u00eb etnologjis\u00eb pran\u00eb Institutit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Kulturore dhe Studimit t\u00eb Artit, Tiran\u00eb. Bardhoshi \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkues shkencor pran\u00eb ish-Institutit t\u00eb Kultur\u00ebs Popullore, sot Institutit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Kulturore dhe Studimit t\u00eb Artit q\u00eb nga viti 2002. Nga viti 2015 e k\u00ebtej, prof. as. dr. Bardhoshi \u00ebsht\u00eb researcher fello\u00eb, n\u00eb Graduate School for East and Southeast European Studies, Regensburg, Gjermani, si dhe visiting profesor, n\u00eb universitetin e Regensburgut, p\u00ebr l\u00ebnd\u00ebn Property and Anthropology of la\u00eb (2017). Bardhoshi ka eksperienc\u00eb m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnieje n\u00eb universitete t\u00eb ndryshme brenda dhe jasht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, n\u00eb l\u00ebmin e etnologjis\u00eb, antropologjis\u00eb sociale, antropologjis\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, antropologjis\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Prof. Dr. Nebi Bardhoshi | 20.12.2017 | nyje.al Kjo fjal\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb rrok shqet\u00ebsimin mbi imazhin publik, e kam fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr at\u00eb negativ, t\u00eb ngritur p\u00ebr Kamz\u00ebn. Edhe pse jo n\u00eb detaje, kjo analiz\u00eb e shkurt\u00ebr do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb ftoj\u00eb n\u00eb reflektim, sesi disa t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb m\u00ebtuara absolute, s\u2019jan\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se shprehi e shtjerrimit t\u00eb ideve politike kreative, dhe po aq hedhin shtat n\u00eb heshtjen e studiuesve t\u00eb shkencave humane n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Shpresa ime, \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb kjo fjal\u00eb, t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdoret e as t\u00eb kuptohet si mburoj\u00eb apo si tentativ\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u q\u00ebmtuar brenda shoq\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhur\u00ebve! Kamza, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rast konkret e po aq paradigmatik. Ajo, krijimi i saj, \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb nj\u00eb regjimi totalitar, nj\u00eb regjim edhe i flijimit edhe i masakr\u00ebs q\u00eb b\u00ebnte \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb asgj\u00ebsuar tjetrin brenda vetes. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Kamza \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehi e hapjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb shtegu kalimtar drejt nj\u00eb imagjinate europiane, e cila p\u00ebr ideal t\u00eb saj, ka krijimin e nj\u00eb fushe sociale, ku njeriu ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrshfaq t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht dinjitetin. Po aq, Kamza \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehi e nj\u00eb bote gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje, ku gjuha e p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb prodhimin e Tjetrit b\u00ebhet instrumentale. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb post-socialiste shqiptare, Europa n\u00eb nivel ideal do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte trualli imagjinar, i cili do t\u00eb ndihmonte n\u00eb dekurajimin e krijimit t\u00eb Tjetrit Instrumental, por si d\u00ebshmon rasti i Kamz\u00ebs- marr\u00eb si rast paradigmatik- Europa \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar t\u00eb kund\u00ebrtin lokal. Krijimi i t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebs n\u00eb vetvete nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb akt p\u00ebr t\u2019u shqet\u00ebsuar, por kur ky tjet\u00ebr projektohet si i padenj\u00eb dhe i p\u00ebr\u00e7muar, at\u00ebher\u00eb k\u00ebtu do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb pik\u00ebniste shqet\u00ebsimi. N\u00eb leximin tim, diskursi publik, i udh\u00ebhequr prej atij politik, duke marr\u00eb Europ\u00ebn si shenj\u00eb referuese, kolovitet nga Kamza te Blloku. T\u00eb dy k\u00ebto shenja, troje imagjinare e sociale, p\u00ebrdoren r\u00ebndom sa her\u00eb shtjerrin idet\u00eb kreative. N\u00ebse p\u00ebr Bllokun apo p\u00ebr ish-Bllokun ka nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim publik p\u00ebr t\u00eb matur dhe p\u00ebrballur me t\u00eb, p\u00ebr rastin e Kamz\u00ebs p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht heshtet n\u00eb mjediset e shkencave sociale. Fol\u00ebsi, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysm\u00ebn e ekonomis\u00eb informale gjen rast t\u00eb tronditet kur p\u00ebrmendet pushtimi i tok\u00ebs. Imazhi i Kamz\u00ebs, lidhet me pushtimin e tok\u00ebs prej njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb ardhur kryesisht nga viset malore- veriore, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme, pra duke pushtuar tok\u00ebn! Duke jetuar ashtu si din\u00eb ata vet\u00eb. T\u00eb ngrir\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb. Krejt t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Krejt nj\u00eb mendim politik. Krejt dor\u00ebzuar ndaj k\u00ebtij fati. Nj\u00eb kultur\u00eb jo urbane! K\u00ebsisoj, Kamza, \u00ebsht\u00eb zona m\u00eb politike, ve\u00e7 Bllokut. Kamza merret si shenj\u00eb p\u00ebrul\u00ebse p\u00ebr shum\u00ebk\u00ebnd n\u00eb politik\u00eb e n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike. E kjo paradoksalisht vjen kryesisht prej s\u00eb Majt\u00ebs. Inferioriteti kulturor supozohet t\u2019i ket\u00eb paraprir\u00eb gjith\u00eb shkeljeve t\u00eb tjera. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto sh\u00ebnjues, i p\u00ebrmbush, apo i n\u00ebnshtaton bot\u00ebkuptimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhurin. I ardhuri, n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb moderne shikohet si shqet\u00ebsim. E kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb simptom\u00eb e modernitetit, i cili pajis fol\u00ebs me gjuh\u00eb klishe. Por studiuesi i shkencave humane p\u00ebrs\u00ebri zgjedh t\u00eb hesht. Jo t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurit, por kryesisht t\u00eb ardhurit brenda nesh, ose prej periferive ekonomike, shihen nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht si t\u00eb ardhur inferior p\u00ebr nga ana kulturore. Edhe ata q\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb argument, ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pamje, s\u2019kan\u00eb aspak p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Q\u00ebllimisht ose jo, mbrojt\u00ebsit e krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb imazh i cili nuk jep mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb reflektuar mbi t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn. K\u00ebsisoj, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve mbrojt\u00ebsit e t\u00eb ardhurit jan\u00eb t\u00eb pajisur po aq me nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb klishe, t\u00eb krijuar prej nj\u00eb etnografie apo historie t\u00eb ngrir\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb. Kujtoj rastin kur nj\u00eb gazetare e re n\u00eb Norvegji kritikon me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb nj\u00eb prej studiuesve me em\u00ebr n\u00eb bot\u00eb n\u00eb antropologjin\u00eb sociale, Hylland Eriksen, kur i kujtonte se ajo si vajz\u00eb me prejardhje nga Pakistani, nuk kishte nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb antropologji q\u00eb legjitimon babain pakistanez q\u00eb vret vajz\u00ebn e tij, pse ajo k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb sipas m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs norvegjeze. Kamza si shembull paradigmatik, si nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb gjuhe plot klishe, ngelet, k\u00ebsisoj, nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u matur me t\u00eb. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb sfid\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7do studiues t\u00eb shkencave humane, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu dhe jurist\u00ebt. T\u00eb cil\u00ebt, m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr parimin e shtet\u00ebrores, apo parimit t\u00eb pron\u00ebs e shenjt\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb saj kan\u00eb anashkaluar njer\u00ebzoren. Ka edhe m\u00eb. \u201cIntelektual\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, shprehin gjith\u00eb simpatin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sistem totalitar dhe vet\u00eb debatet publike mbi qytetin, marrin si shembull t\u00eb mir\u00eb qytetin gjat\u00eb komunizmit. Un\u00eb mendoj se gjat\u00eb komunizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb zor t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr qytet, n\u00ebse qytetin e marrim si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb sociale q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb parin shqet\u00ebsim e kan\u00eb mendimin e lir\u00eb! Pra mendoj se nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb e zot\u00ebruar totalisht prej nj\u00eb mendimi diktatorial, s\u2019mund t\u00eb quhet qytet. Ose s\u00eb paku, do duhej r\u00ebn\u00eb dakort q\u00eb d\u00ebshtimet shtet\u00ebrore, n\u00eb post-socializ\u00ebm t\u00eb mos shikoheshin si faje t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurit. Le t\u00eb marrim shembullin e pushtimit t\u00eb tok\u00ebs, n\u00eb dukje argumentin m\u00eb kok\u00ebfort\u00eb p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrsh\u00ebnjuar truallin e Kamz\u00ebs si shembull t\u00eb kundraligjshmes dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb si nj\u00eb realitet social anti-europian. E kur themi anti-europian, tamam tamam kuptimi q\u00eb merr lokalisht \u00ebsht\u00eb gati-gati anti-njeri! P\u00ebr mendimin tim \u00e7\u00ebshtja n\u00eb fjal\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb komplekse, por le t\u00eb mos e p\u00ebrdorim kompleksitetin e as pushtimin. Rreth \u00be e bot\u00ebs urbane bashk\u00ebkohore jeton n\u00eb informalitet. Trajtat e informalitetit jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme. Kjo statistik\u00eb s\u2019duhet t\u00eb na b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb themi se k\u00ebshtu duhet, por duhet t\u00eb na sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb q\u00eb informaliteti t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdoret si kategori p\u00ebr t\u00eb klasifikuar disa njer\u00ebz si jo njer\u00ebz apo thjesht\u00eb si t\u00eb prapambetur. A \u00ebsht\u00eb Kamza Europ\u00eb? N\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb dominuara nga mungesa e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, informaliteti ka gjasat t\u00eb jet\u00eb akti m\u00eb njer\u00ebzor, moralisht m\u00eb i drejti. S\u00eb dyti n\u00eb rrafsh historik, p\u00ebr truallin europian, pushtimi i tok\u00ebs dhe vet\u00eb informaliteti nuk ka q\u00ebn\u00eb tabu. Tabuja e shenjt\u00ebrimit t\u00eb tok\u00ebs prej pushtimit, \u00ebsht\u00eb e von\u00eb. Kjo tabu \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehi e mitologjis\u00eb laike t\u00eb legjislacionit modern. Por ia vlen ta p\u00ebrkrahim. Me nj\u00eb kusht. 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