{"id":3679,"date":"2020-08-12T20:05:08","date_gmt":"2020-08-12T18:05:08","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nyje.al\/?p=3679"},"modified":"2024-09-11T14:32:09","modified_gmt":"2024-09-11T12:32:09","slug":"re-gure-uje-interviste-me-antropologun-nebi-bardhoshi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/re-gure-uje-interviste-me-antropologun-nebi-bardhoshi\/","title":{"rendered":"Re, gur\u00eb, uj\u00eb – intervist\u00eb me antropologun Nebi Bardhoshi"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

Intervist\u00eb | 12.08.2020 | nyje.al\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e studimeve t\u00eb tij mbi antropologjin\u00eb e ligjit dhe antropologjin\u00eb politike, antropologu Nebi Bardhoshi \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb s\u00eb fundmi me kauz\u00ebn e mbrojtjes s\u00eb ujit dhe politikave neoliberale n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. N\u00eb konferenc\u00ebn\u00a0\u201cHorizonte t\u00eb reja brenda dhe p\u00ebrtej Europ\u00ebs<\/a>\u201c, organizuar nga Organizata Europiane p\u00ebr Antropologji Sociale gjat\u00eb muajit korrik, studiuesi Nebi Bardhoshi ka prezantuar hulumtimin e tij me titull \u201cMbi antropologjin\u00eb e Ujit: Natyra, Kultura dhe Shteti Neoliberal\u201d. Ky studim shkencor adreson nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshme n\u00eb vend: nd\u00ebrtimi i mbi 700 hec-ve n\u00eb lumenjt\u00eb e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra n\u00eb \u201ckuad\u00ebr t\u00eb politikave p\u00ebr sigurimin e energjis\u00eb s\u00eb rinovueshme\u201d, por q\u00eb jan\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me rezistenc\u00eb qytetar\u00eb, procese t\u00eb shumta gjyq\u00ebsore mes banor\u00ebve t\u00eb fshatrave t\u00eb prekur, firmave koncensionare dhe institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb madhe t\u00eb k\u00ebtij studimi n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb tilla kritike, redaksia e Nyjes ka zhvilluar intervist\u00ebn e m\u00ebposhtme me antropologun Nebi Bardhoshin.<\/span><\/p>

\"Djale<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb krye t\u00eb studimit tuaj pohoni q\u00eb politikat koncensionare p\u00ebr hidrocentralet kan\u00eb filluar implementimin e tyre n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri n\u00eb vitin 1997. Mbi \u00e7\u2019premtime jan\u00eb hartuar politika t\u00eb tilla dhe si kan\u00eb p\u00ebsuar transformime nd\u00ebr vite?<\/i><\/em><\/span><\/p>

Fillimisht duhet theksuar nj\u00eb fakt shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Po t\u00eb perifrazojm\u00eb nj\u00eb titull t\u00eb Petro Markos, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat mbi HEC-et jan\u00eb si ret\u00eb dhe gur\u00ebt. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb jan\u00eb krejt t\u00eb pasigurta, \u00a0t\u00eb vagullta, \u00ebnd\u00ebrrimtare, sepse burimet e nxjerra n\u00eb rrug\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore jan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurta. Pra, gjithnj\u00eb ka l\u00ebvizje, ka hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr interpretime ligjore dhe kulturore madje. Pse ndodh kjo? K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron edhe nj\u00eb n\u00ebnpyetje e k\u00ebrkimeve q\u00eb jan\u00eb duke u realizuar. Premisa e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se k\u00ebtu kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb prodhon norma, praktika e madje edhe ligje, q\u00eb kan\u00eb si q\u00ebllim t\u00eb tyre jo t\u00eb mir\u00ebn publike, por disa interesa thell\u00ebsisht private. Te termi private duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb sh\u00ebnim shtes\u00eb. Nga nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje neoliberale, k\u00ebto interesa private, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve, nuk p\u00ebrkthehen, as n\u00eb premisa afatshkurtra e as afatgjata, n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn publike. T\u00eb themi, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet taksave, pun\u00ebsimit, rritjes, pasi k\u00ebtu mungojn\u00eb thuajse t\u00eb gjitha garancit\u00eb p\u00ebr kthimin e tyre n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb publike. Tani t\u00eb vijm\u00eb te natyra, si \u201cgur\u00eb\u201d, e fakteve mbi HEC-et. S\u00eb pari, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt, m\u00eb i fort\u00eb se guri, q\u00eb HEC-et po nd\u00ebrtohen dhe se ato jan\u00eb shum\u00eb. Ndoshta mbi 714 HEC-e. S\u00eb dyti, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt se HEC-et jan\u00eb nj\u00eb burim i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm fitimi p\u00ebr sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebsit. S\u00eb treti, procedura e ndjekur p\u00ebr dh\u00ebnien e lejeve, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve d\u00ebrrmuese, rezulton t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo-transparente dhe shpesh n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrligjshme. S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt, m\u00eb i fort\u00eb se guri, se t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh me qindra HEC-e, ku, thuajse t\u00eb gjitha, bazohen n\u00eb teknik\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrprerjes dhe devijimit t\u00eb rrjedhave natyrore, kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm me nj\u00eb gabim trashanik n\u00eb sensin e zhvillimit afatgjat\u00eb, por kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb seri veprash penale, q\u00eb kulmojn\u00eb me ekocid. Ekocidi ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb miratuar si vep\u00ebr penale n\u00eb rrafsh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, nd\u00ebrtimi i HEC-ve vjen n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me legjislacionin p\u00ebr mjedisin n\u00eb konventat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe legjislacionin komb\u00ebtar.<\/span><\/p>

E b\u00ebra gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb parantez\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim mbi sfidat metodologjike dhe etike. Tani t\u00eb vijm\u00eb te datat. \u00cbsht\u00eb fakt se nga viti 1997 filloi ideja e koncensioneve. Por, p\u00ebr iden\u00eb e HEC-ve, kemi dy kulme q\u00eb p\u00ebrkojn\u00eb me dekad\u00ebn e fundit. Nj\u00ebri kulmim p\u00ebrkon me periudh\u00ebn e qeverisjes s\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe tjetri me periudh\u00ebn e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00eb, pas vitit 2013. T\u00eb dy krah\u00ebt politik\u00eb kan\u00eb miratuar licensa p\u00ebr qindra HEC-e. Kjo na d\u00ebshmon se, kur partit\u00eb vijn\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet nuk sillen ndryshe. Madje as kur kan\u00eb premtuar t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn, si\u00e7 ka ndodhur me partin\u00eb socialiste, e cila n\u00eb fushat\u00ebn e par\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsoi edhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb diskursi ambientalist.<\/span><\/p>

T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat etnografike mbi t\u00eb cilat keni mb\u00ebshtetur studimin e\u00a0Antropologjis\u00eb s\u00eb Ujit\u00a0bazohen n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt dhe p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb banor\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar lumin Flim prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb viti. Keni marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb protestat, mbledhjet dhe n\u00eb proceset e tyre gjyq\u00ebsore. Si \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrthyer ligji dhe politikat neoliberale n\u00eb jet\u00ebt e k\u00ebtyre banor\u00ebve?<\/i><\/em><\/span><\/p>

<\/i>Rasti i Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt \u00ebsht\u00eb sa p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues, aq dhe paradigmatik p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e HEC-ve n\u00eb koh\u00ebn ton\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb bindje e kam krijuar gjat\u00eb pun\u00ebs k\u00ebrkimore, q\u00eb ju e p\u00ebrmendni n\u00eb pyetje. M\u00eb s\u00eb pari, duket qart\u00eb se leja \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb padijeni t\u00eb banor\u00ebve dhe shum\u00eb aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb publik\u00eb, q\u00eb, sipas legjislacionit n\u00eb fuqi, duhej t\u00eb kishin dijeni. Kur banor\u00ebt jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dijeni, ka qen\u00eb rasti i nj\u00eb n\u00ebnkontrate. Kjo n\u00ebnkontrat\u00eb i jep mund\u00ebsi kompanis\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb HEC-i akoma m\u00eb abuziv se sa ishte parashikuar vite m\u00eb par\u00eb, pasi hyn diku rreth 2.5 km n\u00eb brend\u00ebsi t\u00eb Parkut Komb\u00ebtar Dej\u00eb-Lur\u00eb. Edhe sikur vet\u00ebm peizazhi t\u2019i prishej k\u00ebtij parku komb\u00ebtar do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb nj\u00eb argument i mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr Ministrin\u00eb e Turizmit dhe Mjedisit t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte nd\u00ebrprerjen e punimeve. Por ka dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat flasin se kemi ndryshime t\u00eb hart\u00ebs s\u00eb Parkut Komb\u00ebtar me nd\u00ebrhyrjen e institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ndryshimi i hart\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pasi \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb projekti. Kjo flet p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim t\u00eb q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm n\u00eb realizmin e nj\u00eb vepre t\u00eb paligjshme.<\/span><\/p>

Qendresa e Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt b\u00ebhet akoma m\u00eb ftuese kur shikon se si banor\u00ebt bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb me organizatat mbrojt\u00ebse t\u00eb mjedisit dhe aktivist\u00eb social\u00eb e politik\u00eb. Nj\u00eb rrjet mbrojt\u00ebs, sigurisht ende modest, krahasuar me nevojat q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr mbrojtje t\u00eb mjedisit, por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, shum\u00eb frym\u00ebzues. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljes s\u00eb disa banor\u00ebve, \u00e7\u00ebshtja shkon n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb. Si\u00e7 dihet, Gjykata Administrative e dha vendimin n\u00eb favor t\u00eb firm\u00ebs dhe, do t\u00eb thosha, edhe n\u00eb favor t\u00eb institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb kishin l\u00ebshuar lejen e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb HEC-it. Meq\u00eb kam pasur rastin t\u00eb ndjek thuajse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb procesin dhe kam shqyrtuar dokumentacionin paraqitur n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb, them se as ligji neoliberal nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zbatuar. Dhe k\u00ebtu s\u00ebrish duhet t\u00eb ndalojm\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb reflektuar. Pra, edhe pse nuk jam nj\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs i neoliberalizmave t\u00eb mbar\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera si yni, prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, duket qart\u00eb se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u zbatuar as legjislacioni n\u00eb fuqi. \u00c7\u00ebshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb se, n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e halleve tona mbi politik\u00ebn dhe publiken, nuk duhet t\u00eb marrim n\u00eb sy vet\u00ebm efektet e neoliberalizmit, por t\u00eb shohim p\u00ebrtej. Nj\u00eb kombinim n\u00eb mes asaj q\u00eb em\u00ebrtohet si neoliberaliz\u00ebm me shtetin e d\u00ebshtuar, apo shtetin e instrumentalizuar nga flukse t\u00eb ndryshme interesi, kan\u00eb shkaktuar at\u00eb q\u00eb banor\u00ebt dhe p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e tyre e quajn\u00eb thjesht\u00eb dhe qart\u00ebsisht ekocid.<\/span><\/p>

<\/i>P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr pritshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb koncensionarit dhe shtetit p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e rezistenc\u00ebs, edhe pse fshatra pothuaj t\u00eb braktisur, \u00e7do nd\u00ebrtim i ri hec-i \u00ebsht\u00eb paraprir\u00eb nga protestat. \u00c7far\u00eb i shtyn k\u00ebto komunitete t\u00eb vogla p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar nd\u00ebrhyrje t\u00eb tilla ekocidiale?<\/i><\/em><\/span><\/p>

Po, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve banor\u00ebt kan\u00eb provuar t\u00eb rezistojn\u00eb. Pak prej tyre kan\u00eb ndjekur gjith\u00eb rrug\u00ebn q\u00eb e kan\u00eb ndjekur dhe jan\u00eb duke e ndjekur banor\u00ebt e Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt. Shembulli m\u00eb publik ka qen\u00eb ai i Valbon\u00ebs, rast i cili ka mobilizuar shum\u00eb v\u00ebmendjen e mendimit kritik dhe aktivist n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, apo akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb rasti i lumit t\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb eg\u00ebr n\u00eb Europ\u00eb \u2013 Vjosa. Nuk po hyj m\u00eb tej n\u00eb histori, por po ndalem te pyetja q\u00eb keni parashtruar. Banor\u00ebt e thon\u00eb shum\u00eb qart\u00eb se p\u00ebrse protestojn\u00eb. Marrja e ujit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e dor\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb. Kemi fshatra q\u00eb iu merret jo vet\u00ebm uji p\u00ebr vaditje, por edhe uji i pijsh\u00ebm, si p.sh., n\u00eb rastin e fshatit Melth. Banor\u00ebt e din\u00eb se pa uj\u00eb nuk ka jet\u00eb. Kushdo e di. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shprehje metaforike, por \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt konkrete. Edhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt si guri. Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb teori, por vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr pak kujtes\u00eb. Shikoni t\u00eb gjith\u00eb fshatrat dhe vendbanimet tradicionale q\u00eb jan\u00eb buz\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrroi dhe, kush \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb fatlum, buz\u00eb lumenjve. Etnografikisht, luginat e lumenjve jan\u00eb luginat m\u00eb t\u00eb pasura me jet\u00eb kulturore. Por po aq, bile m\u00eb shum\u00eb, luginat e lumenjve jan\u00eb vende jete p\u00ebr gjallesa, miliona vjet m\u00eb t\u00eb hershme se njeriu. Rrjedhat e lumenjve jan\u00eb rrjedha jete apo jo? N\u00ebse dikush e merr ujin, e kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr tuba t\u00eb \u00e7elikt\u00eb, dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb uj\u00eb e kalon n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0 malit, ku s\u2019ka qen\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb; n\u00ebse k\u00ebt\u00eb uj\u00eb ai q\u00eb e merr e ka n\u00ebn komand\u00eb dhe e p\u00ebrdor kur t\u2019ia k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb tregu i energjis\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb u ndodh banor\u00ebve, pronave t\u00eb tyre, mund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetuar nd\u00ebr ato troje? Sigurisht q\u00eb pa uj\u00eb, as sht\u00ebpia, as toka, as pylli, as kullota nuk kan\u00eb vler\u00eb. Prandaj ekocidi, q\u00eb banor\u00ebt e theksojn\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb term i q\u00eblluar.<\/span><\/p>

Ju parashtroni se fshati n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn zakonore ka pas\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e nj\u00eb prone kolektive t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund ta p\u00ebrdornin me t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb barabarta t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e tij. Mir\u00ebpo, n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e historis\u00eb fshati, si entitet ligjor ka humbur shum\u00eb terren. Si po e tkurrin dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb politikat neoliberale t\u00eb PPP-ve truallin e fshatit dhe t\u00eb drejtat e banor\u00ebve?<\/i><\/em><\/span><\/p>

E kam parashtruar si \u00e7\u00ebshtje me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb, n\u00ebse ka vullnetmir\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen t\u00eb shikojm\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e ndryshimit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb pron\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe civile n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn absolute publike, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb uji. Nuk besoj se kemi nj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb publike t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb krahasueshme me ujin, ve\u00e7 ajrit dhe diellit. Q\u00ebllimisht nuk po z\u00eb n\u00eb goj\u00eb tok\u00ebn si t\u00eb mir\u00eb publike absolute, sepse ajo nuk ka asnj\u00eb vler\u00eb pa k\u00ebto t\u00eb mira t\u00eb tjera. At\u00ebher\u00eb, referuar debatit zhvilluar n\u00eb antropologjin\u00eb dhe teorin\u00eb ligjore mbi t\u00eb drejtat mbi ujin, hedh iden\u00eb q\u00eb komunitetet fshatare t\u00eb ken\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb mbrohen si pal\u00eb ligjore n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb, duke iu referuar t\u00eb drejtave mbi ujin q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur nd\u00ebr shekuj. P\u00ebrdorimi n\u00eb shekuj nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb argument n\u00eb vetvete n\u00eb jurisprudenc\u00eb, pasi ligji jo gjithmon\u00eb ka marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb mira me historin\u00eb. Por, ka nj\u00eb parim tjet\u00ebr akoma m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Banor\u00ebt e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur ujin para t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, bazuar n\u00eb sensin e nevoj\u00ebs baz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetuar, madje p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar. Pra, jo t\u00eb fitimit. Nevoja \u00ebsht\u00eb e bazuar te mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb ekzistuar, p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar ushqimin p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt, p\u00ebr veten. Kjo e drejt\u00eb u \u00ebsht\u00eb hequr fshatar\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb dhe gjith\u00eb komuniteteve buz\u00eb ujit, me arsyetime apo pa arsyetime ligjore. N\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb, marrja e ujit cenon drejtp\u00ebrdrejt t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e pron\u00ebsis\u00eb mbi sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e tok\u00ebn, tashm\u00eb n\u00eb pron\u00ebsi t\u00eb banor\u00ebve. Banor\u00ebt mund ta ngren\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje, pasi marrja e ujit cenon jo thjesht\u00eb vler\u00ebn, por shkat\u00ebrron gjith\u00eb kuptimin e vler\u00ebs s\u00eb pron\u00ebsis\u00eb. Pra, s\u00eb paku, kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me cenim pron\u00ebsie dhe, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn, n\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrim t\u00eb pron\u00ebs s\u00eb tjetrit, kur i merret e mira kryesore, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb uji.<\/span><\/p>

Brenda procesit gjyq\u00ebsor, por jasht\u00eb seancave t\u00eb tij: gjykatat shqiptare si n\u00eb koh\u00eb normale ashtu dhe t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme <\/i><\/em>ngushtojn\u00eb<\/i><\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb drejtat e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb teknikalitete ligjore, duke i l\u00ebn\u00eb ata jasht\u00eb port\u00ebs s\u00eb ligjit, n\u00eb pritje. A \u00ebsht\u00eb pritja nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr instrumentet dekurajuese t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb?<\/i><\/em><\/span><\/p>

Nga sa kemi v\u00ebrejtur n\u00eb praktik\u00ebn e rastit t\u00eb Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt, dhe, n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, n\u00eb sjelljen e institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore, rezulton se ka nj\u00eb teknik\u00eb pushteti q\u00eb, gjoja p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb procedur\u00ebs apo n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb procesi t\u00eb rregullt, aplikon nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb orareve dhe formave t\u00eb pritjeve, apo t\u00eb moslejimit t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb sall\u00eb t\u00eb gjyqit n\u00eb momentin e fundit. K\u00ebto zona i kam quajtur si \u201chap\u00ebsira pritjeje\u201d. K\u00ebto hap\u00ebsira pritjeje jan\u00eb disa syresh. P\u00ebr shembull banor\u00ebt ftohen, por nuk lejohen t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb sall\u00eb. Nj\u00eb element tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me koh\u00ebn: seanca gjyq\u00ebsore b\u00ebhet gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebngjes, n\u00eb or\u00ebn 08:45. N\u00eb parim duket krejt normale, por kur mendon se nga do t\u00eb vijn\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e banor\u00ebve, del qart\u00eb se gjyq\u00ebsori ka si q\u00ebllim ose t\u2019i heq\u00eb qafe, pra, t\u00eb mos i ket\u00eb n\u00eb seanc\u00eb \u201cp\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb zhurm\u00eb\u201d, ose p\u00ebr t\u2019i dekurajuar. Por nga ana proceduriale e gjith\u00eb kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rregull. N\u00eb rastin e Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt kemi edhe nj\u00eb specifik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, q\u00eb vjen p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb Covid-19. N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb vendimeve qeveritare u vendos nd\u00ebrprerja e veprimtaris\u00eb s\u00eb organeve t\u00eb dh\u00ebnies s\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb pezullonte mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e banor\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkuar, qoft\u00eb dhe simbolikisht, pran\u00eb dyerve t\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsorit dhe, po ashtu, pamund\u00ebsonte b\u00ebrjen e protestave publike. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, njoftimet nga terreni tregonin se punimet p\u00ebr HEC-in vijonin. Ja pra ku jemi n\u00eb dy sfera t\u00eb krijuara nga zbatimi dhe moszbatimi i ligjit. Porta e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr banor\u00ebt pezullohet, nd\u00ebrsa porta e padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb lihet e hapur.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla kur padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb na e kan\u00eb themeluar p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebrin\u00eb, a pamund\u00ebsohet antropologjia si q\u00ebndrim objektiv dhe a mund t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb antropologji t\u00eb angazhuar?<\/i><\/em><\/span><\/p>

\"AbdiAbdi<\/span><\/span> \u00a0To\u00e7i, Nebi Bardhoshi, Adem Gjokolaj n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn e Lart\u00eb, Tiran\u00eb 2022, foto nga Thomas Krempke<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Mendoj se, n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, antropologjia mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb objektive dhe e angazhuar. Jam i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr kritik\u00ebn drejtuar antropologjis\u00eb, e cila, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb autonomis\u00eb s\u00eb saj si shkenc\u00eb, anon nga objektiviteti apo te mosangazhimi si q\u00ebllim par\u00ebsor. Sidoqoft\u00eb, pasi k\u00ebtu nuk mund t\u00eb ndalemi m\u00eb gjat\u00eb, antropologjia social-kulturore, dhe sidomos antropologjia mbi ligjin, \u00a0pushtetin, politik\u00ebn, shtetin, nuk mund ta ket\u00eb komoditetin q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e pashqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr ndryshimin, ku n\u00eb sy t\u00eb etnografit shpalosen subjekte q\u00eb s\u2019kan\u00eb asnj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, apo subjekte t\u00eb cilave iu cenohen vazhdimisht k\u00ebto t\u00eb drejta. P\u00ebr faktin e thjesht\u00eb se\u00a0 gjendja njer\u00ebzore n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn banor\u00ebt jan\u00eb duke u p\u00ebrballur \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Edhe p\u00ebr jasht\u00ebzakonshm\u00ebrin\u00eb do t\u00eb ket\u00eb shum\u00eb debate, sikurse ka pasur. Por, referuar rastit konkret dhe projektit k\u00ebrkimor n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, banor\u00ebt na e kan\u00eb leht\u00ebsuar k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje, pasi ata i kan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebr gjendjes. K\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje, k\u00ebto politika shtet\u00ebrore mbi HEC-et i kan\u00eb quajtur si pushtuese. Pyetja kryesore q\u00eb vjen n\u00eb antropologjin\u00eb e shtetit q\u00eb po mundohem t\u00eb zhvilloj \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2013 a kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb po pushton shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, apo kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb pushtuar nga partia apo mekanizma t\u00eb tjer\u00eb ekstraligjor\u00eb? Kam shum\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb i n\u00ebnshtrohen materialit empirik, \u201cgur\u00ebve\u201d dhe, po aq, \u201creve\u201d. Nj\u00eb fakt, si guri, \u00ebsht\u00eb se shqiptar\u00ebt vijojn\u00eb t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb sisteme politike q\u00eb mbjellin padrejt\u00ebsi, dhe sisteme drejt\u00ebsie t\u00eb paafta p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi. K\u00ebsisoj, n\u00ebse k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb t\u00eb shtrojm\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje mbi gjendjen shpirt\u00ebrore t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve, do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndalemi tek ekzistenca e nj\u00eb gjendjeje permanente padrejt\u00ebsie, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa n\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb gjendjeve dhe sistemeve ekonomike.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrmbyllur, t\u00eb thuash t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn n\u00eb dit\u00ebt q\u00eb po jetojm\u00eb, at\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb sheh, q\u00eb p\u00ebrjeton, at\u00eb q\u00eb vjen prej v\u00ebmendjes etnografike, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb angazhim jo i vog\u00ebl, dhe nga ana etike nj\u00eb angazhim q\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u2019i shmangesh leht\u00eb, dhe e gjith\u00eb kjo do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb vinte si nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu b\u00ebr\u00eb krah s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs e nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi, pasi duket qart\u00eb se s\u2019mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb liri pa drejt\u00ebsi.<\/span><\/p>

***<\/span><\/p>

teksti \u00ebsht\u00eb redaktuar s\u00ebrish m\u00eb 28.02.2023<\/em><\/span><\/p><\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Intervist\u00eb | 12.08.2020 | nyje.al\u00a0 N\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e studimeve t\u00eb tij mbi antropologjin\u00eb e ligjit dhe antropologjin\u00eb politike, antropologu Nebi Bardhoshi \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb s\u00eb fundmi me kauz\u00ebn e mbrojtjes s\u00eb ujit dhe politikave neoliberale n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. N\u00eb konferenc\u00ebn\u00a0\u201cHorizonte t\u00eb reja brenda dhe p\u00ebrtej Europ\u00ebs\u201c, organizuar nga Organizata Europiane p\u00ebr Antropologji Sociale gjat\u00eb muajit korrik, studiuesi Nebi Bardhoshi ka prezantuar hulumtimin e tij me titull \u201cMbi antropologjin\u00eb e Ujit: Natyra, Kultura dhe Shteti Neoliberal\u201d. Ky studim shkencor adreson nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshme n\u00eb vend: nd\u00ebrtimi i mbi 700 hec-ve n\u00eb lumenjt\u00eb e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra n\u00eb \u201ckuad\u00ebr t\u00eb politikave p\u00ebr sigurimin e energjis\u00eb s\u00eb rinovueshme\u201d, por q\u00eb jan\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me rezistenc\u00eb qytetar\u00eb, procese t\u00eb shumta gjyq\u00ebsore mes banor\u00ebve t\u00eb fshatrave t\u00eb prekur, firmave koncensionare dhe institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb madhe t\u00eb k\u00ebtij studimi n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb tilla kritike, redaksia e Nyjes ka zhvilluar intervist\u00ebn e m\u00ebposhtme me antropologun Nebi Bardhoshin. N\u00eb krye t\u00eb studimit tuaj pohoni q\u00eb politikat koncensionare p\u00ebr hidrocentralet kan\u00eb filluar implementimin e tyre n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri n\u00eb vitin 1997. Mbi \u00e7\u2019premtime jan\u00eb hartuar politika t\u00eb tilla dhe si kan\u00eb p\u00ebsuar transformime nd\u00ebr vite? Fillimisht duhet theksuar nj\u00eb fakt shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Po t\u00eb perifrazojm\u00eb nj\u00eb titull t\u00eb Petro Markos, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat mbi HEC-et jan\u00eb si ret\u00eb dhe gur\u00ebt. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb jan\u00eb krejt t\u00eb pasigurta, \u00a0t\u00eb vagullta, \u00ebnd\u00ebrrimtare, sepse burimet e nxjerra n\u00eb rrug\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore jan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurta. Pra, gjithnj\u00eb ka l\u00ebvizje, ka hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr interpretime ligjore dhe kulturore madje. Pse ndodh kjo? K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron edhe nj\u00eb n\u00ebnpyetje e k\u00ebrkimeve q\u00eb jan\u00eb duke u realizuar. Premisa e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se k\u00ebtu kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb prodhon norma, praktika e madje edhe ligje, q\u00eb kan\u00eb si q\u00ebllim t\u00eb tyre jo t\u00eb mir\u00ebn publike, por disa interesa thell\u00ebsisht private. Te termi private duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb sh\u00ebnim shtes\u00eb. Nga nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje neoliberale, k\u00ebto interesa private, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve, nuk p\u00ebrkthehen, as n\u00eb premisa afatshkurtra e as afatgjata, n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn publike. T\u00eb themi, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet taksave, pun\u00ebsimit, rritjes, pasi k\u00ebtu mungojn\u00eb thuajse t\u00eb gjitha garancit\u00eb p\u00ebr kthimin e tyre n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb publike. Tani t\u00eb vijm\u00eb te natyra, si \u201cgur\u00eb\u201d, e fakteve mbi HEC-et. S\u00eb pari, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt, m\u00eb i fort\u00eb se guri, q\u00eb HEC-et po nd\u00ebrtohen dhe se ato jan\u00eb shum\u00eb. Ndoshta mbi 714 HEC-e. S\u00eb dyti, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt se HEC-et jan\u00eb nj\u00eb burim i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm fitimi p\u00ebr sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebsit. S\u00eb treti, procedura e ndjekur p\u00ebr dh\u00ebnien e lejeve, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve d\u00ebrrmuese, rezulton t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo-transparente dhe shpesh n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrligjshme. S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt, m\u00eb i fort\u00eb se guri, se t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh me qindra HEC-e, ku, thuajse t\u00eb gjitha, bazohen n\u00eb teknik\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrprerjes dhe devijimit t\u00eb rrjedhave natyrore, kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm me nj\u00eb gabim trashanik n\u00eb sensin e zhvillimit afatgjat\u00eb, por kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb seri veprash penale, q\u00eb kulmojn\u00eb me ekocid. Ekocidi ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb miratuar si vep\u00ebr penale n\u00eb rrafsh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, nd\u00ebrtimi i HEC-ve vjen n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me legjislacionin p\u00ebr mjedisin n\u00eb konventat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe legjislacionin komb\u00ebtar. E b\u00ebra gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb parantez\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim mbi sfidat metodologjike dhe etike. Tani t\u00eb vijm\u00eb te datat. \u00cbsht\u00eb fakt se nga viti 1997 filloi ideja e koncensioneve. Por, p\u00ebr iden\u00eb e HEC-ve, kemi dy kulme q\u00eb p\u00ebrkojn\u00eb me dekad\u00ebn e fundit. Nj\u00ebri kulmim p\u00ebrkon me periudh\u00ebn e qeverisjes s\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe tjetri me periudh\u00ebn e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00eb, pas vitit 2013. T\u00eb dy krah\u00ebt politik\u00eb kan\u00eb miratuar licensa p\u00ebr qindra HEC-e. Kjo na d\u00ebshmon se, kur partit\u00eb vijn\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet nuk sillen ndryshe. Madje as kur kan\u00eb premtuar t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn, si\u00e7 ka ndodhur me partin\u00eb socialiste, e cila n\u00eb fushat\u00ebn e par\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsoi edhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb diskursi ambientalist. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat etnografike mbi t\u00eb cilat keni mb\u00ebshtetur studimin e\u00a0Antropologjis\u00eb s\u00eb Ujit\u00a0bazohen n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt dhe p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb banor\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar lumin Flim prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb viti. Keni marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb protestat, mbledhjet dhe n\u00eb proceset e tyre gjyq\u00ebsore. Si \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrthyer ligji dhe politikat neoliberale n\u00eb jet\u00ebt e k\u00ebtyre banor\u00ebve? Rasti i Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt \u00ebsht\u00eb sa p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues, aq dhe paradigmatik p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e HEC-ve n\u00eb koh\u00ebn ton\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb bindje e kam krijuar gjat\u00eb pun\u00ebs k\u00ebrkimore, q\u00eb ju e p\u00ebrmendni n\u00eb pyetje. M\u00eb s\u00eb pari, duket qart\u00eb se leja \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb padijeni t\u00eb banor\u00ebve dhe shum\u00eb aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb publik\u00eb, q\u00eb, sipas legjislacionit n\u00eb fuqi, duhej t\u00eb kishin dijeni. Kur banor\u00ebt jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dijeni, ka qen\u00eb rasti i nj\u00eb n\u00ebnkontrate. Kjo n\u00ebnkontrat\u00eb i jep mund\u00ebsi kompanis\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb HEC-i akoma m\u00eb abuziv se sa ishte parashikuar vite m\u00eb par\u00eb, pasi hyn diku rreth 2.5 km n\u00eb brend\u00ebsi t\u00eb Parkut Komb\u00ebtar Dej\u00eb-Lur\u00eb. Edhe sikur vet\u00ebm peizazhi t\u2019i prishej k\u00ebtij parku komb\u00ebtar do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb nj\u00eb argument i mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr Ministrin\u00eb e Turizmit dhe Mjedisit t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte nd\u00ebrprerjen e punimeve. Por ka dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat flasin se kemi ndryshime t\u00eb hart\u00ebs s\u00eb Parkut Komb\u00ebtar me nd\u00ebrhyrjen e institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ndryshimi i hart\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pasi \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb projekti. Kjo flet p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim t\u00eb q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm n\u00eb realizmin e nj\u00eb vepre t\u00eb paligjshme. Qendresa e Zall-Gjo\u00e7ajt b\u00ebhet akoma m\u00eb ftuese kur shikon se si banor\u00ebt bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb me organizatat mbrojt\u00ebse t\u00eb mjedisit dhe aktivist\u00eb social\u00eb e politik\u00eb. Nj\u00eb rrjet mbrojt\u00ebs, sigurisht ende modest, krahasuar me nevojat q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr mbrojtje t\u00eb mjedisit, por, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, shum\u00eb frym\u00ebzues. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljes s\u00eb disa banor\u00ebve, \u00e7\u00ebshtja shkon n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb. Si\u00e7 dihet, Gjykata Administrative e dha vendimin n\u00eb favor t\u00eb firm\u00ebs dhe, do t\u00eb thosha, edhe n\u00eb favor t\u00eb institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb kishin l\u00ebshuar lejen e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb HEC-it. Meq\u00eb kam pasur rastin t\u00eb ndjek thuajse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb procesin dhe kam shqyrtuar dokumentacionin paraqitur n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb, them se as ligji neoliberal nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zbatuar. Dhe k\u00ebtu s\u00ebrish duhet t\u00eb ndalojm\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb reflektuar. Pra, edhe pse nuk jam nj\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs i neoliberalizmave t\u00eb mbar\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":6690,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"episode_type":"","audio_file":"","podmotor_file_id":"","podmotor_episode_id":"","cover_image":"","cover_image_id":"","duration":"","filesize":"","filesize_raw":"","date_recorded":"","explicit":"","block":"","ocean_post_layout":"right-sidebar","ocean_both_sidebars_style":"","ocean_both_sidebars_content_width":0,"ocean_both_sidebars_sidebars_width":0,"ocean_sidebar":"ocs-kulture-category-post-sidebar","ocean_second_sidebar":"0","ocean_disable_margins":"enable","ocean_add_body_class":"","ocean_shortcode_before_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_after_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_before_header":"","ocean_shortcode_after_header":"","ocean_has_shortcode":"","ocean_shortcode_after_title":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_bottom":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_bottom":"","ocean_display_top_bar":"default","ocean_display_header":"default","ocean_header_style":"","ocean_center_header_left_menu":"0","ocean_custom_header_template":"0","ocean_custom_logo":0,"ocean_custom_retina_logo":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_height":0,"ocean_header_custom_menu":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_family":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_subset":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_size":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_unit":"px","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_line_height":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_unit":"","ocean_menu_typo_spacing":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_unit":"","ocean_menu_link_color":"","ocean_menu_link_color_hover":"","ocean_menu_link_color_active":"","ocean_menu_link_background":"","ocean_menu_link_hover_background":"","ocean_menu_link_active_background":"","ocean_menu_social_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_links_color":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_color":"","ocean_disable_title":"on","ocean_disable_heading":"default","ocean_post_title":"","ocean_post_subheading":"","ocean_post_title_style":"","ocean_post_title_background_color":"","ocean_post_title_background":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_image_position":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_attachment":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_repeat":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_size":"","ocean_post_title_height":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay":0.5,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay_color":"","ocean_disable_breadcrumbs":"default","ocean_breadcrumbs_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_separator_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_hover_color":"","ocean_display_footer_widgets":"default","ocean_display_footer_bottom":"default","ocean_custom_footer_template":"0","ocean_post_oembed":"","ocean_post_self_hosted_media":"","ocean_post_video_embed":"","ocean_link_format":"","ocean_link_format_target":"self","ocean_quote_format":"","ocean_quote_format_link":"post","ocean_gallery_link_images":"off","ocean_gallery_id":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[5,4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3679","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kulture","category-kryenyje","entry","has-media"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3679","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3679"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3679\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":25487,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3679\/revisions\/25487"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6690"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3679"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3679"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3679"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}