{"id":3319,"date":"2020-04-24T20:23:34","date_gmt":"2020-04-24T18:23:34","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nyje.al\/?p=3319"},"modified":"2024-09-09T13:31:30","modified_gmt":"2024-09-09T11:31:30","slug":"gazetaria-si-vokacion-apo-profesion","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/gazetaria-si-vokacion-apo-profesion\/","title":{"rendered":"Gazetaria si vokacion apo profesion?!"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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nyje.al | 24.04.2020<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

Shkrimi i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga leksioni, tashm\u00eb klasik, i sociologut Max Veber, \u2018Politika si Vokacion\u2019 i dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr student\u00ebt n\u00eb Mynih n\u00eb vitin 1919. Max Veberi njihet si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr themeluesit e sociologjis\u00eb, dhe ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb kontribut t\u00eb vyer n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e kapitalizmit, kultur\u00ebs q\u00eb formohet rreth tij, lindjes s\u00eb modernitetit dhe rreziqeve q\u00eb i kanosen shoq\u00ebris\u00eb moderne nga p\u00ebrdorimi instrumental i arsyes dhe t\u00ebhuaj\u00ebsimi i individit brenda instancave burokratike.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tekst, Veberi tregon historin\u00eb e themelimit t\u00eb shteteve moderne si rezultat i mposhtjes s\u00eb shtresave fisnike t\u00eb rendit feudal nga princat n\u00eb mopolizim e sip\u00ebr t\u00eb pushtetit. Po ashtu, Veberi tregon p\u00ebr pozicionet e para shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb k\u00ebshilltar\u00ebve t\u00eb princave, klubet e para politike dhe formimin e partive politike me an\u00ebtar\u00ebsi t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, prej nga del, sipas tij, domsodoshm\u00ebria p\u00ebr politikan\u00eb karizmatik\u00eb q\u00eb ia dalin t\u00eb mobilizojn\u00eb masat p\u00ebrtej fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb strukturave organizative burokratike. N\u00eb historin\u00eb e mendimit politik dhe sociologjik, ky leksion njihet p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkufizimin e famsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shtetit q\u00eb jep Veberi si, \u201cnj\u00eb komunitet njer\u00ebzor q\u00eb pretendon (me sukses) monopolin e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb ligjsh\u00ebm t\u00eb forc\u00ebs fizike brenda nj\u00eb territori t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb.\u201d Mir\u00ebpo, ne k\u00ebtu po ndajm\u00eb pjes\u00ebn p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb leksionit ku Veberi flet p\u00ebr gazetarin\u00eb dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike dhe politike.<\/span><\/p>

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\u201cDemagogu\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb tipi i politikanit drejtues n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim q\u00eb nga koha e shtetit kushtetues, \u00a0madje edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt, q\u00eb nga koha e demokracis\u00eb. Shija e pak\u00ebndshme e fjal\u00ebs nuk duhet t\u00eb na b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb se nuk ishte Kleoni, p\u00ebrkundrazi, ishte Perikliu i pari q\u00eb e mbajti k\u00ebt\u00eb em\u00ebr. Pa post zyrtar ose – n\u00eb kontrast me postet q\u00eb ziheshin me an\u00eb t\u00eb shortit n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb antike – i ngarkuar me postin e vet\u00ebm me zgjedhje, at\u00eb t\u00eb kryestrategut, drejtoi asamblen\u00eb e popullit t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs. Demagogjia moderne p\u00ebrdor edhe fjalimin, madje n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, po t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb fjalimet q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb nj\u00eb kandidat modern gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve. Por sidoqoft\u00eb, akoma m\u00eb me efikasitet p\u00ebrdor fjal\u00ebn e shkruar. Publicisti politik dhe para s\u00eb gjithash gazetari <\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i sot\u00ebm i k\u00ebsaj gjinie.<\/span><\/p>

Edhe vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta skicuar sociologjin\u00eb e gazetaris\u00eb moderne politike do t\u00eb ishte krejt\u00ebsisht e pamundur n\u00eb kuadrin e k\u00ebtij leksioni. Vet\u00ebm pak gj\u00ebra q\u00eb i konsiderojm\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb qen\u00ebsishmet do t\u2019i trajtojm\u00eb k\u00ebtu. Gazetari ndan t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin fat me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb demagog\u00ebt, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00eb\u00a0 me avokatin dhe artistin. N\u00eb kontinentin europian dhe n\u00eb kontrast me rrethanat angleze dhe me ato t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme prusiane, atij i mungon klasifikimi social i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Ai b\u00ebn pjes\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj kaste pariah 1<\/sup>, e cila n\u00eb \u201cshoq\u00ebri\u201d vler\u00ebsohet nga ana sociale gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb saj me nivel m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt etik. Prandaj p\u00ebr gazetar\u00ebt dhe pun\u00ebn e tyre jan\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur p\u00ebrfytyrimet m\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme. Jo kushdo kupton q\u00eb nj\u00eb vep\u00ebr v\u00ebrtet e mir\u00eb <\/em>gazetareske k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn po aq shum\u00eb \u201cmend\u201d sikurse ndonj\u00eb vep\u00ebr e dijetarit, para s\u00eb gjithash si pasoj\u00eb e domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar menj\u00ebher\u00eb, me komand\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb <\/em>menj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje<\/em>, sigurisht n\u00eb kushte krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb krijimtaris\u00eb. Q\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe dhe q\u00eb edhe ndjenja <\/em>e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb e \u00e7do gazetari t\u00eb ndersh\u00ebm si mesatare, nuk q\u00ebndron aspak m\u00eb ul\u00ebt se ajo e dijetarit – p\u00ebrkundrazi m\u00eb lart, si\u00e7 na e m\u00ebsoi lufta – kjo nuk \u00e7mohet pothuajse kurr\u00eb, sepse nga vet\u00eb natyra e gj\u00ebrave mbeten n\u00eb kujtes\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht veprat e pa<\/em>p\u00ebrgjegjshme gazetareske, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb efektit t\u00eb tyre shpesh t\u00eb friksh\u00ebm.<\/span><\/p>

Askush nuk beson q\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr aft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb heshtur e gazetarit disi t\u00eb zot, q\u00ebndron mesatarisht m\u00eb lart se ajo e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, e megjithat\u00eb kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Tundimet pakrahasimisht shum\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb ky profesion mbart me vete dhe kushtet e tjera t\u00eb veprimtaris\u00eb gazetareske n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e tashme, shkaktojn\u00eb ato pasoja, t\u00eb cilat e kan\u00eb ambientuar publikun q\u00eb ta sodis\u00eb shtypin me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje midis p\u00ebr\u00e7mimit dhe burracak\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb vajtueshme. Sot nuk mund t\u00eb flasim se \u00e7far\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Ne na intereson k\u00ebtu \u00e7\u00ebshtja e fatit politik <\/em>t\u00eb profesionit t\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e shanseve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb pozicionet e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve politik\u00eb. Deri tani shansi ishte i favorsh\u00ebm vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Partin\u00eb Socialdemokrate. Por brenda saj, vendet e pun\u00ebs si redaktor\u00eb, shumica kishin karakterin e pozicionit t\u00eb nj\u00eb n\u00ebpun\u00ebsi shtet\u00ebror dhe nuk ishin themeli p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb pozicionin e nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb partit\u00eb borgjeze, e marr\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, kundrejt brezit t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm, shansi i ngjitjes drejt pushtetit politik u p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsua n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb. P\u00ebr ndikimin e shtypit dhe p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me shtypin kishte nevoj\u00eb natyrisht \u00e7do politikan me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi. Por q\u00eb drejtuesit <\/em>e partis\u00eb t\u00eb dilnin nga radh\u00ebt e shtypit, kjo ishte plot\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim dhe nuk duhej pritur. Arsyeja gjendet n\u00eb \u201cpaz\u00ebvend\u00ebsueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb\u201d e gazetarit pa pasuri e t\u00eb lidhur me profesionin, e cila diktohet nga rritja e jasht\u00ebzakonshme e intensitetit dhe nga aktualiteti i veprimtaris\u00eb gazetareske. Domosdoshm\u00ebria e fitimit t\u00eb buk\u00ebs s\u00eb goj\u00ebs n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet shkrimit p\u00ebrdit\u00eb ose p\u00ebrjav\u00eb t\u00eb artikujve i rri havale n\u00ebp\u00ebr k\u00ebmb\u00eb politikan\u00ebve dhe un\u00eb njoh shembuj ku natyra drejtuese jan\u00eb paralizuar nga ky detyrim p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb, si nga ana e jashtme e para s\u00eb gjithash shpirt\u00ebrisht, n\u00eb ngjitjen drejt pushtetit. Q\u00eb lidhjet e shtypit me pushtetet sunduese n\u00eb shtet dhe n\u00eb parti n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e regjimit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr ishin p\u00ebr nivelin e gazetaris\u00eb aq t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme sa s\u00b4mundej m\u00eb, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kapitull m\u00eb vete. K\u00ebto raporte ishin ndryshe n\u00eb vendet kund\u00ebrshtare. Por duket se edhe atje e p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha shtetet moderne vlen fjalia q\u00eb pun\u00ebtori i gazetaris\u00eb fiton gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak ndikim politik, kurse bosi kapitalist i shtypit – i llojit t\u00eb \u201cLord\u201d Northcliffe – gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Sigurisht tek ne ishin si rregull deri tani shqet\u00ebsimet e m\u00ebdha kapitaliste t\u00eb gazetave, q\u00eb kishin sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb para s\u00eb gjithash zinxhirin e gazetave \u201cGeneralanzeiger\u201d me \u201creklamat e vogla\u201d, mbar\u00ebshtuesit tipik\u00eb t\u00eb indiferenc\u00ebs politike. Sepse me politik\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur nuk mund t\u00eb fitohej asgj\u00eb. Para s\u00eb gjithash s\u00b4fitohej dashamir\u00ebsia e dobishme p\u00ebr biznesin e pushteteve sunduese politike. Biznesi i lajm\u00ebrimeve \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe rruga n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs masivisht u b\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje q\u00eb t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb mbi shtypin, luft\u00eb e cila po vazhdohet edhe sot. Edhe pse mund t\u00eb pritet q\u00eb shtypi i madh t\u00b4i shk\u00ebputet k\u00ebsaj rruge, situata p\u00ebr gazetat e vogla \u00ebsht\u00eb prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Por sidoqoft\u00eb tani p\u00ebr tani tek ne karriera n\u00eb gazetari nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb normale e ngritjes s\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve politik\u00eb, sado q\u00eb n\u00eb vetvete mund t\u00eb ngjaj\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse dhe t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb politike.\u00a0 Ndoshta duhet patjet\u00ebr t\u00eb presim p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00ebse kjo rrug\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e till\u00eb apo akoma nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e till\u00eb. N\u00ebse heqja dor\u00eb nga principi i anonimitetit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn disa gazetar\u00eb – jo t\u00eb gjith\u00eb – e konsiderojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, do t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb di\u00e7ka k\u00ebtu, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet.<\/span><\/p>

Ajo q\u00eb ne p\u00ebrjetuam n\u00eb shtypin gjerman gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb lidhje me \u201cdrejtimin\u201d e gazetave nga personalitete me talent shkrimtari t\u00eb rekrutuar posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u shfaq\u00ebn shprehimisht p\u00ebrher\u00eb me emrin e tyre, ka treguar, fatkeq\u00ebsisht, n\u00eb disa raste t\u00eb njohura, se me k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb nuk kultivohet me aq siguri nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb e lart\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb, sikurse do besonim. Ishin – pa dallim partiak – pjes\u00ebrisht pik\u00ebrisht gazetat me nam m\u00eb t\u00eb keq t\u00eb bulevardeve q\u00eb synuan dhe arrit\u00ebn n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nj\u00eb shitje m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb. Zot\u00ebrinjt\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs, botuesit si dhe gazetar\u00ebt e sensacioneve fituan pasuri, por sigurisht nuk fituan nder. Me k\u00ebto nuk kemi th\u00ebn\u00eb asgj\u00eb kund\u00ebr braktisjes s\u00eb principit t\u00eb anonimitetit; \u00e7\u00ebshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e koklavitur dhe ajo dukuri e sensacionit nuk ka vler\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsuese. Por deri tani nuk ka qen\u00eb rruga drejt nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjeje t\u00eb past\u00ebr ose drejt funksionimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm <\/em>t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Mbetet t\u00eb presim se si do t\u00eb zhvillohen m\u00eb tej raportet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Por n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha rrethanat, karriera n\u00eb gazetari mbetet nj\u00eb nga rrug\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb veprimtaris\u00eb profesionale politike. Ajo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo, shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak p\u00ebr karaktere t\u00eb dobta, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr njer\u00ebz t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mund ta ruajn\u00eb ekuilibrin e tyre t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb sigurt\u00eb. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se jeta e nj\u00eb dijetari t\u00eb ri vihet n\u00eb loj\u00eb si n\u00eb bixhoz, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb i rrethuar nga norma t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb tij q\u00eb e mbrojn\u00eb at\u00eb nga dalja nga binar\u00ebt. Por jeta e gazetarit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do drejtim kok\u00eb e k\u00ebmb\u00eb bixhozi vet\u00eb, e pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb kushtet q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb prov\u00eb sigurin\u00eb e brendshme t\u00eb tij n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb sa v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb ndeshet n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb situat\u00eb tjet\u00ebr.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebrvojat shpesh t\u00eb hidhura n\u00eb jet\u00ebn profesionale ndoshta nuk jan\u00eb as e keqja m\u00eb e madhe. Pik\u00ebrisht gazetarit t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm i shtrohen k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb brendshme ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak vog\u00eblsi q\u00eb t\u00eb qarkullosh n\u00eb sallonet e t\u00eb fuqishm\u00ebve t\u00eb Tok\u00ebs gjoja n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin nivel dhe shpesh t\u00eb t\u00eb lajkatojn\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, sepse t\u00eb kan\u00eb frik\u00eb dhe ta dish q\u00eb sapo t\u00eb kesh dal\u00eb nga dera, i zoti i sht\u00ebpis\u00eb ndoshta duhet t\u00eb justifikohet tek mysafir\u00ebt e tij p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrimit me \u201cmaskarenjt\u00eb e shtypit\u201d. Sikurse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fare vog\u00eblsi q\u00eb t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shprehesh flak\u00eb p\u00ebr flak\u00eb dhe n\u00eb form\u00eb bind\u00ebse mbi gjith\u00e7ka dhe ndaj \u00e7do gj\u00ebje q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon tamam \u201ctregu\u201d, mbi t\u00eb gjitha problemet e mundshme t\u00eb jet\u00ebs, pa r\u00ebn\u00eb absolutisht jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb cekt\u00ebsi, por para s\u00eb gjithash, pa humbur dinjitetin, duke e zhveshur veten dhe pa r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pasojat e tyre t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirshme. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e habitshme ajo q\u00eb ka shum\u00eb gazetar\u00eb t\u00eb shkar\u00eb nga binar\u00ebt njer\u00ebzor\u00eb ose t\u00eb zhvleft\u00ebsuar, por e habitshme \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb, pik\u00ebrisht kjo shtres\u00eb p\u00ebrmban nj\u00eb num\u00ebr kaq t\u00eb madh njer\u00ebzish t\u00eb vlersh\u00ebm dhe t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb kulluar, fakt q\u00eb s\u00eb jashtmi njer\u00ebzit nuk e marrin me mend.<\/span>
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[1]<\/a> Pariah do t\u00eb thot\u00eb indian i kast\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt ose pa kast\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb \u00a0figursh\u00ebm do t\u00eb thot\u00eb i paprivilegjuar; i p\u00ebrz\u00ebn\u00eb nga shoq\u00ebria (sh\u00ebn. i p\u00ebrkth).<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

nyje.al | 24.04.2020 Shkrimi i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga leksioni, tashm\u00eb klasik, i sociologut Max Veber, \u2018Politika si Vokacion\u2019 i dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr student\u00ebt n\u00eb Mynih n\u00eb vitin 1919. Max Veberi njihet si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr themeluesit e sociologjis\u00eb, dhe ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb kontribut t\u00eb vyer n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e kapitalizmit, kultur\u00ebs q\u00eb formohet rreth tij, lindjes s\u00eb modernitetit dhe rreziqeve q\u00eb i kanosen shoq\u00ebris\u00eb moderne nga p\u00ebrdorimi instrumental i arsyes dhe t\u00ebhuaj\u00ebsimi i individit brenda instancave burokratike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tekst, Veberi tregon historin\u00eb e themelimit t\u00eb shteteve moderne si rezultat i mposhtjes s\u00eb shtresave fisnike t\u00eb rendit feudal nga princat n\u00eb mopolizim e sip\u00ebr t\u00eb pushtetit. Po ashtu, Veberi tregon p\u00ebr pozicionet e para shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb k\u00ebshilltar\u00ebve t\u00eb princave, klubet e para politike dhe formimin e partive politike me an\u00ebtar\u00ebsi t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, prej nga del, sipas tij, domsodoshm\u00ebria p\u00ebr politikan\u00eb karizmatik\u00eb q\u00eb ia dalin t\u00eb mobilizojn\u00eb masat p\u00ebrtej fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb strukturave organizative burokratike. N\u00eb historin\u00eb e mendimit politik dhe sociologjik, ky leksion njihet p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkufizimin e famsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shtetit q\u00eb jep Veberi si, \u201cnj\u00eb komunitet njer\u00ebzor q\u00eb pretendon (me sukses) monopolin e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb ligjsh\u00ebm t\u00eb forc\u00ebs fizike brenda nj\u00eb territori t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb.\u201d Mir\u00ebpo, ne k\u00ebtu po ndajm\u00eb pjes\u00ebn p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb leksionit ku Veberi flet p\u00ebr gazetarin\u00eb dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike dhe politike. \u201cDemagogu\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb tipi i politikanit drejtues n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim q\u00eb nga koha e shtetit kushtetues, \u00a0madje edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt, q\u00eb nga koha e demokracis\u00eb. Shija e pak\u00ebndshme e fjal\u00ebs nuk duhet t\u00eb na b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb se nuk ishte Kleoni, p\u00ebrkundrazi, ishte Perikliu i pari q\u00eb e mbajti k\u00ebt\u00eb em\u00ebr. Pa post zyrtar ose – n\u00eb kontrast me postet q\u00eb ziheshin me an\u00eb t\u00eb shortit n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb antike – i ngarkuar me postin e vet\u00ebm me zgjedhje, at\u00eb t\u00eb kryestrategut, drejtoi asamblen\u00eb e popullit t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs. Demagogjia moderne p\u00ebrdor edhe fjalimin, madje n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, po t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb fjalimet q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb nj\u00eb kandidat modern gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve. Por sidoqoft\u00eb, akoma m\u00eb me efikasitet p\u00ebrdor fjal\u00ebn e shkruar. Publicisti politik dhe para s\u00eb gjithash gazetari \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i sot\u00ebm i k\u00ebsaj gjinie. Edhe vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta skicuar sociologjin\u00eb e gazetaris\u00eb moderne politike do t\u00eb ishte krejt\u00ebsisht e pamundur n\u00eb kuadrin e k\u00ebtij leksioni. Vet\u00ebm pak gj\u00ebra q\u00eb i konsiderojm\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb qen\u00ebsishmet do t\u2019i trajtojm\u00eb k\u00ebtu. Gazetari ndan t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin fat me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb demagog\u00ebt, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00eb\u00a0 me avokatin dhe artistin. N\u00eb kontinentin europian dhe n\u00eb kontrast me rrethanat angleze dhe me ato t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme prusiane, atij i mungon klasifikimi social i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Ai b\u00ebn pjes\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj kaste pariah 1, e cila n\u00eb \u201cshoq\u00ebri\u201d vler\u00ebsohet nga ana sociale gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb saj me nivel m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt etik. Prandaj p\u00ebr gazetar\u00ebt dhe pun\u00ebn e tyre jan\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur p\u00ebrfytyrimet m\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme. Jo kushdo kupton q\u00eb nj\u00eb vep\u00ebr v\u00ebrtet e mir\u00eb gazetareske k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn po aq shum\u00eb \u201cmend\u201d sikurse ndonj\u00eb vep\u00ebr e dijetarit, para s\u00eb gjithash si pasoj\u00eb e domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar menj\u00ebher\u00eb, me komand\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje, sigurisht n\u00eb kushte krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb krijimtaris\u00eb. Q\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe dhe q\u00eb edhe ndjenja e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb e \u00e7do gazetari t\u00eb ndersh\u00ebm si mesatare, nuk q\u00ebndron aspak m\u00eb ul\u00ebt se ajo e dijetarit – p\u00ebrkundrazi m\u00eb lart, si\u00e7 na e m\u00ebsoi lufta – kjo nuk \u00e7mohet pothuajse kurr\u00eb, sepse nga vet\u00eb natyra e gj\u00ebrave mbeten n\u00eb kujtes\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht veprat e pap\u00ebrgjegjshme gazetareske, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb efektit t\u00eb tyre shpesh t\u00eb friksh\u00ebm. Askush nuk beson q\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr aft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb heshtur e gazetarit disi t\u00eb zot, q\u00ebndron mesatarisht m\u00eb lart se ajo e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, e megjithat\u00eb kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Tundimet pakrahasimisht shum\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb ky profesion mbart me vete dhe kushtet e tjera t\u00eb veprimtaris\u00eb gazetareske n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e tashme, shkaktojn\u00eb ato pasoja, t\u00eb cilat e kan\u00eb ambientuar publikun q\u00eb ta sodis\u00eb shtypin me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje midis p\u00ebr\u00e7mimit dhe burracak\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb vajtueshme. Sot nuk mund t\u00eb flasim se \u00e7far\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Ne na intereson k\u00ebtu \u00e7\u00ebshtja e fatit politik t\u00eb profesionit t\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e shanseve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb pozicionet e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve politik\u00eb. Deri tani shansi ishte i favorsh\u00ebm vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Partin\u00eb Socialdemokrate. Por brenda saj, vendet e pun\u00ebs si redaktor\u00eb, shumica kishin karakterin e pozicionit t\u00eb nj\u00eb n\u00ebpun\u00ebsi shtet\u00ebror dhe nuk ishin themeli p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb pozicionin e nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi. N\u00eb partit\u00eb borgjeze, e marr\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, kundrejt brezit t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm, shansi i ngjitjes drejt pushtetit politik u p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsua n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb. P\u00ebr ndikimin e shtypit dhe p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me shtypin kishte nevoj\u00eb natyrisht \u00e7do politikan me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi. Por q\u00eb drejtuesit e partis\u00eb t\u00eb dilnin nga radh\u00ebt e shtypit, kjo ishte plot\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim dhe nuk duhej pritur. Arsyeja gjendet n\u00eb \u201cpaz\u00ebvend\u00ebsueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb\u201d e gazetarit pa pasuri e t\u00eb lidhur me profesionin, e cila diktohet nga rritja e jasht\u00ebzakonshme e intensitetit dhe nga aktualiteti i veprimtaris\u00eb gazetareske. Domosdoshm\u00ebria e fitimit t\u00eb buk\u00ebs s\u00eb goj\u00ebs n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet shkrimit p\u00ebrdit\u00eb ose p\u00ebrjav\u00eb t\u00eb artikujve i rri havale n\u00ebp\u00ebr k\u00ebmb\u00eb politikan\u00ebve dhe un\u00eb njoh shembuj ku natyra drejtuese jan\u00eb paralizuar nga ky detyrim p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb, si nga ana e jashtme e para s\u00eb gjithash shpirt\u00ebrisht, n\u00eb ngjitjen drejt pushtetit. Q\u00eb lidhjet e shtypit me pushtetet sunduese n\u00eb shtet dhe n\u00eb parti n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e regjimit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr ishin p\u00ebr nivelin e gazetaris\u00eb aq t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme sa s\u00b4mundej m\u00eb, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kapitull m\u00eb vete. K\u00ebto raporte ishin ndryshe n\u00eb vendet kund\u00ebrshtare. Por duket se edhe atje e p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha shtetet moderne vlen fjalia q\u00eb pun\u00ebtori i gazetaris\u00eb fiton gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak ndikim politik, kurse bosi kapitalist i shtypit – i llojit t\u00eb \u201cLord\u201d Northcliffe – gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Sigurisht tek ne ishin si rregull deri tani shqet\u00ebsimet e m\u00ebdha kapitaliste t\u00eb gazetave, q\u00eb kishin sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb para s\u00eb gjithash zinxhirin e gazetave \u201cGeneralanzeiger\u201d me \u201creklamat e vogla\u201d, mbar\u00ebshtuesit tipik\u00eb t\u00eb indiferenc\u00ebs politike. Sepse me politik\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur nuk mund t\u00eb fitohej asgj\u00eb. Para s\u00eb gjithash s\u00b4fitohej dashamir\u00ebsia e dobishme 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