{"id":30307,"date":"2026-07-08T13:07:59","date_gmt":"2026-07-08T11:07:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=30307"},"modified":"2026-07-08T13:07:59","modified_gmt":"2026-07-08T11:07:59","slug":"cfare-ndodh-pas-nje-ftese-per-perfytyrim","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/cfare-ndodh-pas-nje-ftese-per-perfytyrim\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7far\u00eb ndodh pas? Nj\u00eb ftes\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfytyrim"},"content":{"rendered":"

Genc Shehu |08.07.2026| nyje.al\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"Proteste
Protestat e L\u00ebvizjes Flamingo, 6 korrik, 2026, Nyje<\/em><\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

 <\/p>\n

Si mund t’i sh\u00ebrbejm\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes?<\/em><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb pyetje mbetet ende e hapur: si mund t’i sh\u00ebrbejm\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes n\u00ebse k\u00ebrkesa e par\u00eb realizohet dhe qeveria jep dor\u00ebheqjen? \u00c7far\u00eb ndodh m\u00eb pas?<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigjja e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb: protesta nuk mbaron. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ajo hyn n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Sepse largimi i qeveris\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushja e pes\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave; \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm kushti q\u00eb ato t\u00eb mund t\u00eb realizohen.<\/span><\/p>\n

Institucioni kryesor q\u00eb do ta mbik\u00ebqyr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces mbetet vet\u00eb protesta. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb burimi i legjitimitetit, forma e trysnis\u00eb qytetare dhe garancia q\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat t\u00eb mos zbrazen nga p\u00ebrmbajtja apo t\u00eb zvarriten pafund\u00ebsisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

Por protesta, nga vet\u00eb natyra e saj, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar konsultime publike, p\u00ebr t\u00eb hartuar drafte reformash apo p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur teknikisht hap pas hapi zbatimin e tyre. K\u00ebto k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb tjet\u00ebr organizimi. Jo p\u00ebr ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar protest\u00ebn, por p\u00ebr t’i sh\u00ebrbyer asaj; p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb rregullt dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb efektsh\u00ebm at\u00eb q\u00eb, edhe pa nj\u00eb organ t\u00eb till\u00eb, protesta do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqej ta realizonte gjithsesi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye mund t\u00eb mendohet krijimi i nj\u00eb trupi t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb apo disa forumesh qytetar\u00eb. Jo nj\u00eb institucion i ri pushteti, por nj\u00eb instrument me mandat t\u00eb kufizuar dhe funksion t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar qart\u00eb, n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky trup nuk do t\u00eb qeveriste. Nuk do t\u00eb zgjidhte qeverin\u00eb teknike, nuk do t\u00eb em\u00ebronte ministra, nuk do t\u00eb merrte vendime n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe nuk do t\u00eb pretendonte t\u00eb mish\u00ebronte sovranitetin apo vullnetin popullor. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ekzistenca e tij do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetej pik\u00ebrisht mbi vet\u00ebkufizimin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Detyra e tij do t\u00eb ishte modeste n\u00eb kompetenca, por konkrete n\u00eb funksion.<\/span><\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, t\u00eb organizonte d\u00ebgjimin dhe k\u00ebshillimin publik me qytetar\u00eb, ekspert\u00eb, profesionist\u00eb, akademik\u00eb dhe grupe shoq\u00ebrore mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si duhet t\u00eb marrin form\u00eb reformat e k\u00ebrkuara. S\u00eb dyti, t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatiste propozimet dhe draftet p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse. S\u00eb treti, t\u00eb monitoronte q\u00eb qeveria teknike t\u00eb mos e tejkalonte mandatin e saj t\u00eb kufizuar: administrimin normal t\u00eb shtetit, garantimin e lirive kushtetuese, organizimin e zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira dhe krijimin e kushteve p\u00ebr zbatimin e reformave. S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, t\u00eb ndiqte ecurin\u00eb e k\u00ebrkesave dhe t\u00eb ushtronte trysni publike q\u00eb ato t\u00eb mos shtremb\u00ebroheshin gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb miratimit dhe zbatimit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pra, jo nj\u00eb parlament paralel dhe as nj\u00eb qeveri n\u00eb hije, por nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm publik monitorimi dhe koordinimi n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb vet\u00eb protest\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Por pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu lind pyetja m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb: kush do ta p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb trup t\u00eb till\u00eb?<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo pyetje \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ku problemi nuk ka qen\u00eb thjesht nd\u00ebrrimi i njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb krye t\u00eb institucioneve, por kapja graduale e vet\u00eb mekanizmave p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cil\u00ebve prodhohet dhe kontrollohet pushteti. Rreziku nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri e re t\u00eb marr\u00eb vendime t\u00eb gabuara; rreziku \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7do struktur\u00eb e krijuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7liruar demokracin\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrthithet nga e nj\u00ebjta logjik\u00eb kapjeje q\u00eb ka deformuar institucionet ekzistuese.<\/span><\/p>\n

Prandaj p\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e tij nuk mund t\u00eb mbyllet paraprakisht pa e kthyer vet\u00eb nism\u00ebn n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb shmang\u00eb. At\u00ebher\u00eb si nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb hapje q\u00eb nuk prodhon menj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb mbyllje t\u00eb re? Kush vendos se kush mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb, pa u b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb pronar i procesit? Dhe \u00e7far\u00eb e ruan k\u00ebt\u00eb kufi, kur vet\u00eb kufiri \u00ebsht\u00eb objekt i debatit?<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndoshta zgjidhja nuk q\u00ebndron te gjetja e disa emrave “t\u00eb duhur”, por te nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb procedure q\u00eb nuk i lejon emrat t\u00eb ngurt\u00ebsohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb ri. Jo te p\u00ebrzgjedhja e njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb premtojn\u00eb besueshm\u00ebri, por te krijimi i rregullave q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimin e k\u00ebtij trupi n\u00eb nj\u00eb elit\u00eb t\u00eb re kap\u00ebse.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edhe m\u00ebnyra e funksionimit do t\u00eb duhej ta pasqyronte k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb. Moderator\u00eb me mandate shum\u00eb t\u00eb shkurtra dhe me rotacion. Mbledhje t\u00eb hapura, procesverbale publike dhe transmetim i \u00e7do seance. Sa m\u00eb pak autoritet personal, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb besim te procedura. Mesazhi nuk do t\u00eb ishte: “na besoni ne”, por: “t\u00eb shohim procesin”.<\/span><\/p>\n

Po k\u00ebshtu, edhe vet\u00eb jeta e k\u00ebtij organi do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte e kufizuar. Do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb parashikohej nj\u00eb mandat 100- ose 300-ditor, i mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar konsultimin publik, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur paket\u00ebn e reformave, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur zbatimin e k\u00ebrkesave gjat\u00eb tranzicionit dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb dor\u00ebzuar produktin e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tij.<\/span><\/p>\n

Por \u00e7far\u00eb e ndalon nj\u00eb trup t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb b\u00ebhet i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm? Ligji? Rregulli? Apo pik\u00ebrisht fakti q\u00eb mandati i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb aq i shkurt\u00ebr sa t\u00eb mos harrohet kurr\u00eb se autoriteti i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb i huazuar dhe jo i vetvetish\u00ebm?<\/span><\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht kjo vet\u00ebshp\u00ebrb\u00ebrje \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga siguresat m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Ky trup nuk do t\u00eb transformohej n\u00eb parti, nuk do t\u00eb kandidonte n\u00eb zgjedhje dhe nuk do t\u00eb vazhdonte t\u00eb ekzistonte pasi t\u00eb kishte p\u00ebrmbushur funksionin p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin u krijua.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndoshta, n\u00eb fund, pyetja themelore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm “kush e p\u00ebrb\u00ebn?”, por: si nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb instrument politik q\u00eb nuk e trash\u00ebgon fuqin\u00eb q\u00eb i jepet?<\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe n\u00ebse kjo nuk mund t\u00eb garantohet plot\u00ebsisht, \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb garantohet realisht? Ndoshta jo mungesa absolute e devijimit, por mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb \u00e7do devijim t\u00eb mbetet i duksh\u00ebm, i kund\u00ebrshtuesh\u00ebm dhe i korrigjuesh\u00ebm nga vet\u00eb protesta.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sepse n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tranzicion apo tranzicion p\u00ebr fundin e tranzicionit, protesta mbetet institucioni i par\u00eb dhe i fundit i legjitimitetit. Ky trup do t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb mjet i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t’i sh\u00ebrbyer l\u00ebvizjes, p\u00ebr ta ndihmuar at\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthej\u00eb energjin\u00eb qytetare n\u00eb procedura t\u00eb qarta, transparente dhe t\u00eb kontrollueshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dhe pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb kufi i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik: nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje qytetare nuk duhet t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim projektin e saj t\u00eb mbyllur t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes. Ajo duhet t\u00eb hap\u00eb nj\u00eb proces ku qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb mund t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e asaj q\u00eb vjen m\u00eb pas. Sepse l\u00ebvizja nuk e mbyll paraprakisht horizontin politik, por i l\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmes hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb frym\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Genc Shehu |08.07.2026| nyje.al\u00a0   Si mund t’i sh\u00ebrbejm\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes? Nj\u00eb pyetje mbetet ende e hapur: si mund t’i sh\u00ebrbejm\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes n\u00ebse k\u00ebrkesa e par\u00eb realizohet dhe qeveria jep dor\u00ebheqjen? \u00c7far\u00eb ndodh m\u00eb pas? P\u00ebrgjigjja e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb: protesta nuk mbaron. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ajo hyn n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Sepse largimi i qeveris\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushja e pes\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave; \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm kushti q\u00eb ato t\u00eb mund t\u00eb realizohen. Institucioni kryesor q\u00eb do ta mbik\u00ebqyr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces mbetet vet\u00eb protesta. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb burimi i legjitimitetit, forma e trysnis\u00eb qytetare dhe garancia q\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat t\u00eb mos zbrazen nga p\u00ebrmbajtja apo t\u00eb zvarriten pafund\u00ebsisht. Por protesta, nga vet\u00eb natyra e saj, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar konsultime publike, p\u00ebr t\u00eb hartuar drafte reformash apo p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur teknikisht hap pas hapi zbatimin e tyre. K\u00ebto k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb tjet\u00ebr organizimi. Jo p\u00ebr ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar protest\u00ebn, por p\u00ebr t’i sh\u00ebrbyer asaj; p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb rregullt dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb efektsh\u00ebm at\u00eb q\u00eb, edhe pa nj\u00eb organ t\u00eb till\u00eb, protesta do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqej ta realizonte gjithsesi. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye mund t\u00eb mendohet krijimi i nj\u00eb trupi t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb apo disa forumesh qytetar\u00eb. Jo nj\u00eb institucion i ri pushteti, por nj\u00eb instrument me mandat t\u00eb kufizuar dhe funksion t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar qart\u00eb, n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes. Ky trup nuk do t\u00eb qeveriste. Nuk do t\u00eb zgjidhte qeverin\u00eb teknike, nuk do t\u00eb em\u00ebronte ministra, nuk do t\u00eb merrte vendime n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe nuk do t\u00eb pretendonte t\u00eb mish\u00ebronte sovranitetin apo vullnetin popullor. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ekzistenca e tij do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetej pik\u00ebrisht mbi vet\u00ebkufizimin. Detyra e tij do t\u00eb ishte modeste n\u00eb kompetenca, por konkrete n\u00eb funksion. S\u00eb pari, t\u00eb organizonte d\u00ebgjimin dhe k\u00ebshillimin publik me qytetar\u00eb, ekspert\u00eb, profesionist\u00eb, akademik\u00eb dhe grupe shoq\u00ebrore mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si duhet t\u00eb marrin form\u00eb reformat e k\u00ebrkuara. S\u00eb dyti, t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatiste propozimet dhe draftet p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse. S\u00eb treti, t\u00eb monitoronte q\u00eb qeveria teknike t\u00eb mos e tejkalonte mandatin e saj t\u00eb kufizuar: administrimin normal t\u00eb shtetit, garantimin e lirive kushtetuese, organizimin e zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira dhe krijimin e kushteve p\u00ebr zbatimin e reformave. S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, t\u00eb ndiqte ecurin\u00eb e k\u00ebrkesave dhe t\u00eb ushtronte trysni publike q\u00eb ato t\u00eb mos shtremb\u00ebroheshin gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb miratimit dhe zbatimit. Pra, jo nj\u00eb parlament paralel dhe as nj\u00eb qeveri n\u00eb hije, por nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm publik monitorimi dhe koordinimi n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb vet\u00eb protest\u00ebs. Por pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu lind pyetja m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb: kush do ta p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb trup t\u00eb till\u00eb? Kjo pyetje \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ku problemi nuk ka qen\u00eb thjesht nd\u00ebrrimi i njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb krye t\u00eb institucioneve, por kapja graduale e vet\u00eb mekanizmave p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cil\u00ebve prodhohet dhe kontrollohet pushteti. Rreziku nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri e re t\u00eb marr\u00eb vendime t\u00eb gabuara; rreziku \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7do struktur\u00eb e krijuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7liruar demokracin\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrthithet nga e nj\u00ebjta logjik\u00eb kapjeje q\u00eb ka deformuar institucionet ekzistuese. Prandaj p\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e tij nuk mund t\u00eb mbyllet paraprakisht pa e kthyer vet\u00eb nism\u00ebn n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb shmang\u00eb. At\u00ebher\u00eb si nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb hapje q\u00eb nuk prodhon menj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb mbyllje t\u00eb re? Kush vendos se kush mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb, pa u b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb pronar i procesit? Dhe \u00e7far\u00eb e ruan k\u00ebt\u00eb kufi, kur vet\u00eb kufiri \u00ebsht\u00eb objekt i debatit? Ndoshta zgjidhja nuk q\u00ebndron te gjetja e disa emrave “t\u00eb duhur”, por te nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb procedure q\u00eb nuk i lejon emrat t\u00eb ngurt\u00ebsohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb ri. Jo te p\u00ebrzgjedhja e njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb premtojn\u00eb besueshm\u00ebri, por te krijimi i rregullave q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimin e k\u00ebtij trupi n\u00eb nj\u00eb elit\u00eb t\u00eb re kap\u00ebse. Edhe m\u00ebnyra e funksionimit do t\u00eb duhej ta pasqyronte k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb. Moderator\u00eb me mandate shum\u00eb t\u00eb shkurtra dhe me rotacion. Mbledhje t\u00eb hapura, procesverbale publike dhe transmetim i \u00e7do seance. Sa m\u00eb pak autoritet personal, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb besim te procedura. Mesazhi nuk do t\u00eb ishte: “na besoni ne”, por: “t\u00eb shohim procesin”. Po k\u00ebshtu, edhe vet\u00eb jeta e k\u00ebtij organi do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte e kufizuar. Do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb parashikohej nj\u00eb mandat 100- ose 300-ditor, i mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar konsultimin publik, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur paket\u00ebn e reformave, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur zbatimin e k\u00ebrkesave gjat\u00eb tranzicionit dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb dor\u00ebzuar produktin e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Por \u00e7far\u00eb e ndalon nj\u00eb trup t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb b\u00ebhet i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm? Ligji? Rregulli? Apo pik\u00ebrisht fakti q\u00eb mandati i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb aq i shkurt\u00ebr sa t\u00eb mos harrohet kurr\u00eb se autoriteti i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb i huazuar dhe jo i vetvetish\u00ebm? Pik\u00ebrisht kjo vet\u00ebshp\u00ebrb\u00ebrje \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga siguresat m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Ky trup nuk do t\u00eb transformohej n\u00eb parti, nuk do t\u00eb kandidonte n\u00eb zgjedhje dhe nuk do t\u00eb vazhdonte t\u00eb ekzistonte pasi t\u00eb kishte p\u00ebrmbushur funksionin p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin u krijua. Ndoshta, n\u00eb fund, pyetja themelore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm “kush e p\u00ebrb\u00ebn?”, por: si nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb instrument politik q\u00eb nuk e trash\u00ebgon fuqin\u00eb q\u00eb i jepet? Dhe n\u00ebse kjo nuk mund t\u00eb garantohet plot\u00ebsisht, \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb garantohet realisht? Ndoshta jo mungesa absolute e devijimit, por mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb \u00e7do devijim t\u00eb mbetet i duksh\u00ebm, i kund\u00ebrshtuesh\u00ebm dhe i korrigjuesh\u00ebm nga vet\u00eb protesta. Sepse n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tranzicion apo tranzicion p\u00ebr fundin e tranzicionit, protesta mbetet institucioni i par\u00eb dhe i fundit i legjitimitetit. Ky trup do t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb mjet i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t’i sh\u00ebrbyer l\u00ebvizjes, p\u00ebr ta ndihmuar at\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthej\u00eb energjin\u00eb qytetare n\u00eb procedura t\u00eb qarta, transparente dhe t\u00eb kontrollueshme. Dhe pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb kufi i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik: nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje qytetare nuk duhet t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim projektin e saj t\u00eb mbyllur t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes. Ajo duhet t\u00eb hap\u00eb nj\u00eb proces ku qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb mund t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e asaj q\u00eb vjen m\u00eb pas. Sepse l\u00ebvizja nuk e mbyll paraprakisht horizontin politik, por i l\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmes hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb 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