{"id":3003,"date":"2020-03-04T14:05:46","date_gmt":"2020-03-04T13:05:46","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nyje.al\/?p=3003"},"modified":"2024-09-06T11:12:04","modified_gmt":"2024-09-06T09:12:04","slug":"dialektika-afirmuese-prej-logjikes-ne-antropologji","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/dialektika-afirmuese-prej-logjikes-ne-antropologji\/","title":{"rendered":"Dialektika Afirmuese: Prej Logjik\u00ebs n\u00eb Antropologji"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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Pavjo Gjini |P\u00ebrkthim| 04.03.2020 | nyje.al\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

Alain Badiou \u00ebsht\u00eb filozof bashk\u00ebkohor francez, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb vetmit q\u00eb ende e mbron filozofin\u00eb si ende t\u00eb gjall\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dallueshme nga praktikat e tjera teorike. Ka drejtuar katedr\u00ebn e filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb \u00c9cole Normale Sup\u00e9rieure dhe s\u00eb bashku me filozof\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj francez si Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault and Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Lyotard ka themeluar Fakultetin e Filozofis\u00eb t\u00eb Universitetit t\u00eb Parisit VIII. N\u00eb veprat e tij madhore si \u2018Teoria e Subjektit\u2019, \u2018Qenie dhe Ngjarje\u2019 dhe \u2018Logjikat e Bot\u00ebve\u2019 zhvillohet nj\u00eb filozofi e re e t\u00eb menduarit t\u00eb Qenies, Bot\u00ebs, Subjektit, t\u00eb V\u00ebrtetave, Politik\u00ebs, Shkenc\u00ebs, Artit dhe Dashuris\u00eb. Sipas Badious ajo \u00e7ka e ka mund\u00ebsuar filozofin\u00eb n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim ka qen\u00eb zbulimi grek i matematik\u00ebs e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb rruga \u2018hyjnore\u2019 drejt kuptimit t\u00eb realitetit fizik pa nevoj\u00ebn e presupozimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb nj\u00ebshi t\u00eb madh gjithshpjegues q\u00eb q\u00ebndron pas tij. Po ashtu, p\u00ebr Badioun historia e njer\u00ebzimit \u00ebsht\u00eb histori e prodhimit periodik t\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave n\u00eb Shkenc\u00eb, Politik\u00eb, Art dhe Dashuri t\u00eb cilat mund\u00ebsohen nga angazhimi militant i subjektit q\u00eb punon p\u00ebr prodhimin\/krijimin e tyre (qoft\u00eb ky shkenc\u00ebtari, militanti politik, artisti apo i dashuruari) dhe t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme dhe t\u00eb disponueshme pas prodhimit\/krijimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin pa dallime. N\u00eb shkrimin e zgjedhur p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkthim Badiou b\u00ebn dallimin mes filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb tij dhe Teoris\u00eb Kritike t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e teoricienit Teodor Adorno dhe p\u00ebrvijon momentet qendrore q\u00eb jan\u00eb kushte mund\u00ebsie p\u00ebr prodhimin e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs nga subjekti militant. Prej veprave t\u00eb tij n\u00eb shqip jan\u00eb botuar nga Zenit Editions \u2018Sarkozy, emri i \u00e7’gj\u00ebkafshe \u00ebsht\u00eb?\u2019 dhe \u2018Sh\u00ebn Pali: themelimi i universializmit\u2019 p\u00ebrkthyer nga Elvis Hoxha, \u2018Lavd i dashuris\u00eb\u2019 p\u00ebrkthyer nga Blerina Hankollari, nd\u00ebrsa Pika pa Sip\u00ebrfaqe ka botuar \u2018Republika e Platonit\u2019 p\u00ebrkthyer po ashtu nga Elvis Hoxha.<\/span>

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Problemi themelor n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e filozofis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb re. P\u00ebrndryshe, nuk mund t\u2019ia nisim me konsiderata rreth politik\u00ebs, jet\u00ebs, krijimit dhe aksionit. Na duhet si fillim t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruajm\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb re, ose m\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht, nj\u00eb dialektik\u00eb t\u00eb re. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb shtegu i Platonit dhe po ashtu i propozuar nga Karl Marks. Vepra e Karl Marksit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00eb pari nj\u00eb vizion historik, nj\u00eb teori e re e luft\u00ebs klasore, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb, por prej fillimit nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithshme e re n\u00eb agimin e dialektik\u00ebs hegeliane. Marksi me gjas\u00eb ishte i pari, ndoshta pas Platoni, i cili krijoi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie im\u00ebtake mes politik\u00ebs revolucionare dhe nj\u00eb kornize t\u00eb re dialektike. Sot kemi t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin problem. Pa m\u00ebdyshje, na duhet t\u00eb ndreqim di\u00e7ka pas dy shekujsh suksesesh dhe d\u00ebshtimesh n\u00eb politik\u00ebn revolucionare, dhe, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb socializmit me form\u00ebn-e-shtetit. Por gjithashtu na duhet t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb re, nj\u00eb propozim filozofik t\u00eb ri t\u00eb duhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha format ose krijimtarit\u00eb e reja. Rrjedhimisht \u00e7\u00ebshtja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dialektike dhe jo dialektike \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi ngul\u00e7uese. N\u00ebse doni ta themi ndryshe, problemi yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi i mohimit 1<\/sup>.<\/span><\/p>

Kur korniza logjike e aksionit politik \u00ebsht\u00eb e tipit t\u00eb dialektik\u00ebs klasike, at\u00ebher\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb t\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mohimi. K\u00ebtu zhvillimi i p\u00ebrpjekjes politike \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht di\u00e7ka e tipit \u2018revolt\u00eb kund\u00ebr\u2019, \u2018kund\u00ebrshtim ndaj\u2019, \u2018mohimi i\u2019, dhe pastaj e reja \u2013 krijimi i nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb ri, ose krijimi i nj\u00eb ligji t\u00eb ri \u2013 e cila vjen gjithnj\u00eb si rezultat i procesit t\u00eb mohimit. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb korniza hegeliane; kemi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mes afirmimit dhe negativitetit, nd\u00ebrtimit dhe mohimit, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn principi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i l\u00ebvizjes, dhe principi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i krijimit, \u00ebsht\u00eb mohimi. Dhe k\u00ebshtu vet\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizimi i klas\u00ebs revolucionare \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebnit kund\u00ebr shtetit aktual ose kund\u00ebr ligjit aktual n\u00eb kuptimin e posa\u00e7\u00ebm ku nd\u00ebrgjegja revolucionare, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb thoshte Vladimir Lenin, \u00ebsht\u00eb bazikisht nd\u00ebrgjegja q\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb marr\u00ebdhenien e mohimit me regjimin ekzistues.<\/span><\/p>

Ky vizion, si i till\u00eb, nuk mban m\u00eb. Ne po jetojm\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb lloj krize t\u00eb besimit te fuqia e mohimit dhe dim\u00eb dy forma t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj krize. Teodor Adorno mendonte se dialektika hegeliane klasike ishte tep\u00ebr afirmuese, tep\u00ebr e n\u00ebnshtruar ndaj fuqis\u00eb t\u00eb Totalitetit dhe t\u00eb Nj\u00ebshit. Ai propozonte nj\u00eb lloj hiper-negativiteti, emri i t\u00eb cilit ishte \u2018Dialektika Negative\u2019. Nga k\u00ebndi i sot\u00ebm, ne e dim\u00eb se me k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje nuk na mbetet asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos nj\u00eb etik\u00eb e m\u00ebshir\u00ebs, nj\u00eb vizion ku heroi i nd\u00ebrgjegjes son\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb trupi njer\u00ebzor n\u00eb vuajtje, viktima e kulluar, dhe e dim\u00eb po ashtu se ky moralizim i shkon plot\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrshtat dominimit kapitalist n\u00ebn mask\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Antonio Negri, por gjithashtu Louis Althusser, mendonte se dialektika hegeliane ishte tep\u00ebr mohuese, tep\u00ebr subjektive dhe tep\u00ebr indiferente ndaj potenc\u00ebs absolute t\u00eb Natyr\u00ebs, Jet\u00ebs, L\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb Historis\u00eb. K\u00ebta gjenin te Spinoza nj\u00eb model t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb i cili m\u00eb n\u00eb fund ishte pa mohim. Sot e dim\u00eb se me k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, kemi nj\u00eb pranim t\u00eb regjimit mbizot\u00ebrues, fal\u00eb bindjes se ky regjim \u00ebsht\u00eb plot risi dhe kreativitet, dhe se m\u00eb n\u00eb fund kapitalizmi modern \u00ebsht\u00eb forca imediate e cila punon, p\u00ebrtej perandoris\u00eb, n\u00eb drejtimin e nj\u00eb lloj komunizmi.<\/span><\/p>

Ajo \u00e7ka un\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqem t\u00eb b\u00ebj n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vepr\u00ebn time \u00ebsht\u00eb me propozu nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb re dialektike e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rikthim te Karl Marksi i ri ose te Georg W. F. Hegel. Pa qen\u00eb gjithashtu as nj\u00eb rikthim te dialektika negative e Adornos si nj\u00eb lloj estetike e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, dhe as nj\u00eb rikthim te ngrehina afirmuese e Negrit, e cila i shkat\u00ebrron t\u00eb gjitha format e dialekticitetit dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb disi nj\u00eb \u2018Shkence Gazmore\u2019 Ni\u00e7eane e Historis\u00eb. Mendoj se problemi i sot\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb me gjet\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrmbysur nga p\u00ebrbrenda saj logjik\u00ebn klasike dialektike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb afirmativiteti, ose propozimi pozitiv, t\u00eb vij\u00eb para mohimit n\u00eb vend se pas tij. N\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj m\u00ebnyre, p\u00ebrpjekja ime \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb gjej nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb dialektike ku di\u00e7ka-ja ose e ardhmja t\u00eb vij\u00eb p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb tashmes mohuese. Nuk po sugjeroj shtypjen e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies mes pohimit dhe mohimit \u2013 pa m\u00ebdyshje revolta dhe lufta klasore mbeten thelb\u00ebsore \u2013 dhe nuk po sugjeroj nj\u00eb drejtim pacifist ose di\u00e7ka t\u00eb ngjashme me t\u00eb. \u00c7\u00ebshtja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb a thua se sot nuk kemi nevoj\u00eb me u p\u00ebrlesh\u00eb e m\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtu, por lidhet m\u00eb shum\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes mohimit dhe pohimit. Pra, kur them se ekziston di\u00e7ka jo dialektike, qoft\u00eb lidhur me rastin e Sh\u00ebn Palit ose qoft\u00eb lidhur me analiz\u00ebn politike konkrete, formalisht kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn ide. Na duhet t\u00eb provojm\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb ekzakt\u00ebsisht kushtet n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat mundemi ende t\u00eb kemi di\u00e7ka si mund\u00ebsia e \u2018mohimit konkret\u2019. Besoj se kjo mund t\u00eb realizohet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e pohimit fillestar, p\u00ebrmes di\u00e7kaje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fillimisht pohuese dhe jo mohuese. Sipas terminologjis\u00eb time kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ngjarjeje dhe subjekti.<\/span><\/p>

Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, po them di\u00e7ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb. Po them se s\u00eb pari p\u00ebr me hap\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb re, nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb re, na duhet t\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb lloj krijimtarie t\u00eb re t\u00eb koh\u00ebs dhe nj\u00eb krijimtari t\u00eb re t\u00eb situat\u00ebs, di\u00e7ka q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend nj\u00eb \u00e7elnaj\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7elnaj\u00eb un\u00eb e em\u00ebrtoj \u2018ngjarje\u2019. \u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ngjarje? Nj\u00eb ngjarje \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht\u00eb ajo e cila e nd\u00ebrpret ligjin, rregullat, struktur\u00ebn e situat\u00ebs dhe krijon nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb re. Pra, nj\u00eb ngjarje nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fillimisht krijimi i nj\u00eb situate t\u00eb re. \u00cbsht\u00eb krijimi i nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsie t\u00eb re, e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb me nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb re. N\u00eb fakt, ngjarja ngjan n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb q\u00eb mbetet e nj\u00ebjta, por kjo situat\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsie t\u00eb re. P\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebr Sh\u00ebn Palin ngjarja \u00ebsht\u00eb rilindja e Krishtit, dhe kjo ngjarje nuk ndryshon menj\u00ebher\u00eb asgj\u00eb n\u00eb Perandorin\u00eb Romake. Pra, situata e p\u00ebrgjithshme, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb Perandoria Romake, mbetet e nj\u00ebjta, por brenda situat\u00ebs ka nj\u00eb \u00e7elje t\u00eb nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsie t\u00eb re fal\u00eb ngjarjes. N\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs kemi t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb Parisin e Majit t\u00eb \u201968-s nuk ndryshoi realisht asgj\u00eb n\u00eb situat\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb shtetit: Sharl De Goli mbetej n\u00eb pushtet me qeverin\u00eb ende me policin\u00eb e saj e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb, por kishim nj\u00eb \u00e7elje t\u00eb nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsie t\u00eb re, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb un\u00eb quaj ngjarje. Pas saj, kemi mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e materializimit t\u00eb efekteve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj mund\u00ebsie t\u00eb re, dhe shtjellimi i k\u00ebtyre efekteve \u00ebsht\u00eb krijimi i nj\u00eb trupi subjektiv t\u00eb ri. Nj\u00eb trup subjektiv i ri \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushja n\u00eb form\u00eb konkrete e mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb \u00e7elur nga ngjarja dhe q\u00eb ia zhvillon disa efekte mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb re. Natyralisht, mes k\u00ebtyre efekteve ka forma t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb mohimit \u2013 luftime, revolta, nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e re p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb kund\u00ebr di\u00e7kaje, shkat\u00ebrrimi i disa pjes\u00ebve t\u00eb ligjit e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb \u2013 por k\u00ebto forma t\u00eb mohimit jan\u00eb efekte t\u00eb lindjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb subjektiviteti t\u00eb ri dhe jo e anasjellta; nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb subjektiviteti i ri i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb efekt i mohimit. Prandaj, ka di\u00e7ka me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb jo-dialektike \u2013 n\u00eb kuptimin e Hegelit dhe Marksit \u2013 rreth k\u00ebsaj logjike, sepse nuk ia nisim me krijimtarin\u00eb e mohimit si t\u00eb till\u00eb, edhe pse sigurisht q\u00eb mohimi p\u00ebrfshihet gjithsesi n\u00eb efektet e asaj \u00e7ka afirmojm\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Tani mund t\u2019i kthehem librit tim t\u00eb disa viteve m\u00eb par\u00eb mbi Sh\u00ebn Palin. Ky lib\u00ebr u shkruar me synimin me propozu nj\u00eb shembull t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj logjike t\u00eb re, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb e re p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha procedurat e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs dhe rrjedhimisht edhe p\u00ebr ato n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs. Pali na jep nj\u00eb shembull shum\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb mbi se si ta mendojm\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes nj\u00eb ngjarjeje dhe nj\u00eb subjektiviteti t\u00eb ri \u2013 ky ishte synimi im kryesor. Pali mund\u00ebson nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb t\u00eb re shum\u00eb akute mbi se si kjo logjik\u00eb operon n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e ligjit, dhe specifikisht n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien e subjektit t\u00eb ri me ligjin e vjet\u00ebr. N\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb holl\u00ebsishme, Pali shpjegon se kur kemi nj\u00eb ngjarje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend krijimi i nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsie t\u00eb re n\u00eb situat\u00eb, lipset s\u00eb pari t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb trup i ri q\u00eb pohon nj\u00eb subjektivitet t\u00eb ri p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb gjitha mohimeve dhe t\u00eb gjitha efekteve mohuese. Gj\u00ebja e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb me kriju, me pohu nj\u00eb subjektivitet t\u00eb ri. At\u00ebher\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb bash n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb nj\u00eb subjektiviteti t\u00eb ri dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb trupi subjektiv t\u00eb ri? \u00cbsht\u00eb grupi i njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt pohojn\u00eb se ka p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb re \u2013 pohojn\u00eb afirmimin. N\u00eb rastin e Krisht\u00ebrimit, pohojn\u00eb Rilindjen<\/em>. Pas k\u00ebsaj ka plot efekte praktike dhe simbolike n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha situatat. Por ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb intersante n\u00eb shembullin e Palit \u00ebsht\u00eb se bash fillimi i di\u00e7kaje t\u00eb re gjithmon\u00eb i ngjan nj\u00eb pohimi t\u00eb kulluar t\u00eb mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb re si t\u00eb till\u00eb. Ka nj\u00eb Rilindje<\/em>; t\u00eb duhet me e pohu k\u00ebt\u00eb! Dhe kur e pohon Rilindjen<\/em> dhe e organizon k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj pohimi \u2013 sepse pohimin e b\u00ebjm\u00eb me t\u00eb tjer\u00eb dhe n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve \u2013 krijojm\u00eb di\u00e7ka absolutisht t\u00eb re, jo n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb mohimi t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb ekziston, por n\u00eb form\u00ebn e t\u00eb res\u00eb brenda asaj q\u00eb ekziston. Dhe prandaj nuk kemi m\u00eb mohimin n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb dhe pohimin n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Por kemi pohim dhe ndarje, ose krijimin q\u00eb themelon pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb subjekti t\u00eb ri n\u00eb brendin\u00eb e situat\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb orientimi i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i k\u00ebsaj logjike t\u00eb re.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb orientim, mundemi me propozu nj\u00eb shtjellim t\u00eb ri t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fjal\u00ebve t\u00eb vjetra n\u00eb disa fusha t\u00eb dijes ose aksionit. Si ushtrim, propozoj t\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb fjal\u00ebn \u2018demokraci\u2019. Sot, demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb realisht termi i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt i t\u00eb gjitha disponimeve ideologjike t\u00eb shteteve imperialiste, n\u00eb fakt pak a shum\u00eb i t\u00eb gjitha shteteve reaksionare. Rrjedhimisht na duhet t\u00eb shpallim nj\u00eb \u00e7arje fillestare duke th\u00ebn\u00eb se nuk e pranojm\u00eb linj\u00ebn e tyre ideologjike, e cila n\u00eb instanc\u00eb t\u00eb fundit rezulton n\u00eb iden\u00eb se nuk mundemi t\u2019i rezistojm\u00eb \u2018demokracis\u00eb\u2019 s\u00eb tyre pa qen\u00eb terrorist\u00eb, aleat t\u00eb despotizmit e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Por kjo n\u00ebnkupton se jemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb ku na duhet t\u00eb qart\u00ebsojm\u00eb p\u00ebr veten ton\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmbajtjen e konceptit, por edhe n\u00ebse duam ta p\u00ebrdorim si fjal\u00eb. A kemi sot nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs \u2018demokraci\u2019? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pyetja ime subjektive. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb bash pyetje teorike. Pse? Sepse gjithnj\u00eb mundem me em\u00ebrtu \u2018demokraci\u2019 di\u00e7ka tjeter. Sot mund t\u00eb kemi edhe p\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb mir\u00eb edhe t\u00eb keq t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs demokraci; dhe me gjas\u00eb ka di\u00e7ka v\u00ebrtet\u00eb konfuze n\u00eb vet\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e k\u00ebsaj fjale sepse, th\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, menj\u00ebher\u00eb merret n\u00eb termat e n\u00ebnkuptimit t\u00eb saj aktual, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb bazikisht n\u00ebnkuptimi q\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb nga t\u00eb gjitha forcat reaksionare n\u00eb bot\u00eb sot.<\/span><\/p>

Si p\u00ebrfundim, kam vendosur ta mbaj fjal\u00ebn, \u2018demokraci\u2019. P\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00eb mos me e heq qafe fjal\u00ebn, sepse ka di\u00e7ka problematike te t\u00eb majtit kur thon\u00eb, \u2018nuk jam aspak i interesuar n\u00eb \u201cdemokraci\u201d, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb praktikisht e pakuptimt\u00eb\u2019. Megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se kur flet p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb po futesh n\u00eb nj\u00eb terren t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb mbizot\u00ebruese. Situata \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb sepse na duhet me kritiku \u2018demokracit\u00eb\u2019 aktuale nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe nga ana tjet\u00ebr me kritiku propagand\u00ebn politike q\u00eb b\u00ebhet sot rreth termit \u2018demokraci\u2019. N\u00ebse nuk e b\u00ebjm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mbetemi t\u00eb paralizuar. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast mundemi me th\u00ebn\u00eb \u2018po, jemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci, por demokracia mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr\u2019, por do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonim n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion mbrojt\u00ebs. Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e kund\u00ebrta e konceptimit tim, sepse pozicioni im \u00ebsht\u00eb me fillu p\u00ebrmes pohimit dhe aspak p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb pozicioni mbrojt\u00ebs. Prandaj, n\u00ebse e p\u00ebrdorim fjal\u00ebn, na duhet t\u00eb ndajm\u00eb simbolizimin klasik t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb dallimin mes demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe asaj t\u00eb keqe, mes konceptimit reaksionar t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb dhe konceptimit progresiv t\u00eb saj. Por kush \u00ebsht\u00eb bazamenti i k\u00ebsaj ndarjeje? N\u00eb Marksizmin klasik, kemi nj\u00eb bazament t\u00eb qart\u00eb mbi t\u00eb cilin ndajm\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka bazuar n\u00eb dallimin klasor. Shquajm\u00eb demokracin\u00eb popullore nga demokracia borgjeze, ose ndoshta, me u tregu m\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohor, nga demokracia e kollareve. Mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ndarje \u00ebsht\u00eb po ashtu mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr me e mendu demokracin\u00eb si di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr dhe jo si form\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore. Kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb ndarje jo vet\u00ebm mes demokracis\u00eb popullore dhe demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb kollareve, por mes demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe demokracis\u00eb si form\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore, si nj\u00eb form\u00eb e shtetit shtyp\u00ebs, si nj\u00eb shtet klasor. Megjithat\u00eb, ky dualitet strikt nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb bind\u00ebs brenda korniz\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb menduari t\u00eb ri dialektik; \u00ebsht\u00eb tep\u00ebr e thjesht\u00eb me e p\u00ebrcaktu negativisht demokracin\u00eb popullore si: ose demokraci shtet\u00ebrore, ose hi\u00e7 fare.<\/span><\/p>

Me iu shmang loj\u00ebs s\u00eb mohimit dhe mohimit t\u00eb mohimit 2<\/sup>, po prezantoj tre kuptime t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb \u2013 jo \u00a0ndarje n\u00eb dy, por n\u00eb tre. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb truku\u00a0 im. Kur has v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi me nj\u00eb ndarje n\u00eb dysh, krijoj nj\u00eb ndarje n\u00eb tresh, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse, p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, si\u00e7 Giogio Agamben ka v\u00ebn\u00eb re i pari, m\u00eb n\u00eb fund, p\u00ebr \u00e7do problem, kam kat\u00ebr terma. Hegeli ka tre terma, sepse pas mohimit dhe mohimit t\u00eb mohimit, ka totalitetin e procesit, mb\u00ebrjen e dijes absolute si termin e tret\u00eb, por n\u00eb rastin tim, kemi dy mohime t\u00eb ndryshme. Kjo sepse mohimi konservator i reaksionit ndaj risis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me pjes\u00ebn mohuese t\u00eb pohimit t\u00eb ri kund\u00ebr pozicionit konservator.<\/span><\/p>

Kemi tre terma fillestar p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e demokracis\u00eb. S\u00eb pari \u00ebsht\u00eb demokracia si form\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore, pra demokracia n\u00eb kuptimin e gjithnjohur \u2013 dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, demokracia p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese ose ideologjia parlamentariane. S\u00eb dyti \u00ebsht\u00eb demokracia e kuptuar si l\u00ebvizje ose si nj\u00eb \u2018demokraci e vendndodhjeve\u2019, \u00e7ka nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb demokraci n\u00eb kuptimin politik drejtp\u00ebrdrejt, por ndoshta m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb kuptimin historik. Pra, kur demokracia ndodh, \u00ebsht\u00eb demokraci n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb ngjarjeje. P\u00ebr shembull, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb kuptimi i demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e Jacques Ranciere 3<\/sup>. P\u00ebr Rancierin, ashtu si p\u00ebr mua, demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb aktivizimi i principit t\u00eb barazis\u00eb. Kur principi i barazis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend aktiv kemi nj\u00eb version tonin t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb: dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, demokracia si kryengritje e barazis\u00eb kolektive n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb konkrekte, e cila mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb protest\u00eb, demonstrat\u00eb, asamble popullore ose \u00e7donj\u00ebra nga format e tjera ku barazia \u00ebsht\u00eb efektivisht aktive.<\/span><\/p>

Vet\u00eb ky kuptim, at\u00ebher\u00eb, ka shum\u00eb forma, por mundemi ta kuptojm\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht dhe posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo form\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb, dhe n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e rip\u00ebrs\u00ebritur e demokracis\u00eb revolucionare. Th\u00ebn\u00eb kjo, k\u00ebtu kemi m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti form\u00ebn e ndodhis\u00eb s\u00eb beft\u00eb n\u00eb histori e n\u00eb instanc\u00eb t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb ngjarjes sesa form\u00ebn e efekteve t\u00eb ngjarjes ose t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb trupi politik t\u00eb ri. Si e till\u00eb, edhe n\u00ebse momenti i \u00e7arjes revolucionare \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i demokracis\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb bash sakt\u00ebsisht koncepti politik i k\u00ebtij kuptimit. Mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti nj\u00eb koncept historik i demokracis\u00eb, si me th\u00ebn\u00eb, nj\u00eb koncept q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me ngjarjen dhe prandaj na duhet t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb tret\u00eb t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht demokracia si p\u00ebrcaktim i nj\u00eb subjekti politik t\u00eb ri si t\u00eb till\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb konceptimi im p\u00ebrfundimtar. Demokracia p\u00ebr mua \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr em\u00ebr p\u00ebr shtjellimin e efekteve t\u00eb aksionit kolektiv dhe p\u00ebr p\u00ebrcaktimin e nj\u00eb subjekti politik t\u00eb ri.<\/span><\/p>

Si p\u00ebrfundim, kemi kat\u00ebr terma: \u2018demokracia p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese klasike\u2019, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e pushtetit-t\u00eb-shtetit, \u2018demokracia-e-masave\u2019 e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00eb natyre historike; demokracia si nj\u00eb subjekt politik; dhe m\u00eb n\u00eb fund procesi i zhdukjes progresive t\u00eb shtetit, \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrbrend\u00ebsimi historik dhe negativ i politik\u00ebs n\u00eb Histori, n\u00ebn emrin e komunizmit. Pra, e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojm\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtin\u00eb klasike t\u00eb qart\u00eb mes demokracis\u00eb fallse mbizot\u00ebruese dhe demokracis\u00eb popullore t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb lloj kompleksi, me 3 vende dhe tre procese: Shteti, Ngjarja Revolucionare, dhe Politika me afirmimin e pjes\u00ebmarrjes s\u00eb popullit n\u00eb politik\u00eb jasht\u00eb Shtetit, mohimin e k\u00ebsaj pjesmarrjeje prej Shtetit dhe triumfalizmi i organizimit politik t\u00eb popullit. Pra si totalizim i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebtij kompleksi kemi nj\u00eb pik\u00eb komunizmi fal\u00eb rezultateve konkrete ose fal\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebtij rrug\u00ebtimi, ku rezultatet shp\u00ebrfaqin dob\u00ebsin\u00eb e shtetit, dhe m\u00eb n\u00eb fund mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e zhdukjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij Shteti.<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr model \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mes politik\u00ebs dhe pushtetit. Klasikisht, synimi i aksionit politik \u00ebsht\u00eb me marr pushtetin, me shkat\u00ebrru makinerin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb armiqve. Emri p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kryeem\u00ebr i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb klasicizmit politik: revolucioni. Sot, n\u00eb fillet e kushtetimit, n\u00eb fillet e nj\u00eb trupi subjektiv t\u00eb ri, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mundur me q\u00ebndru brenda Shtetit ose, m\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, me synu pushtetin. Fjala \u2018revolucion\u2019 nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb kryeemri jon\u00eb, prandaj na duhet me qen\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht jasht\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb Shtetit, edhe pse Shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve politike dhe brenda hap\u00ebsir\u00eb s\u00eb veprimit. N\u00ebse subjektiviteti jon\u00eb politik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb brenda Shtetit, n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr dhe p\u00ebrjasht\u00eb tij, Shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb megjithat\u00eb n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e aksionit ton\u00eb. Me marr nj\u00eb shembull konkret nga p\u00ebrvoja ime, n\u00ebse na duhet me b\u00eb di\u00e7ka me u organizu p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt q\u00eb jan\u00eb pa letra, p\u00ebrshembull p\u00ebr imigrant\u00ebt Afrikan\u00eb, p\u00ebr me ndryshu gj\u00ebrat n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00eb, shum\u00eb shpejt do ta hasim Shtetin brenda hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs ton\u00eb. Do t\u00eb na duhet me u p\u00ebrball me ligje t\u00eb reja dhe vendime t\u00eb Shtetit, dhe do t\u00eb na duhet me kriju di\u00e7ka q\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb sy-p\u00ebr-sy me Shtetin\u2014jo brenda Shtetit, por sy-p\u00ebr-sy me t\u00eb. Prandaj, do t\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb \u2018dialog\u2019 me Shtetin, ose do t\u00eb organizojm\u00eb forma t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7arjes s\u00eb tij. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, do t\u00eb na duhet t\u00eb urdh\u00ebrojm\u00eb di\u00e7ka mbi Shtetin nga jasht\u00eb tij. Do t\u00eb urdh\u00ebrojm\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb themelon nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhje me Shtetin. Dhe v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsia e madhe q\u00ebndron te mbajtja gjall\u00eb e mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb qenurit p\u00ebrjashta nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb urdh\u00ebrojm\u00eb di\u00e7ka p\u00ebrbrenda tij. Pra, kemi nj\u00eb lloj v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsie topologjike n\u00eb zhvillimin e politik\u00ebs, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht, nd\u00ebrlidhjen mes jasht\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe brendis\u00eb, sepse Shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb duke na ftuar p\u00ebrbrenda dhe duke na k\u00ebrkuar mos me qen\u00eb p\u00ebrjashta.<\/span>
M\u00eb ka r\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb kaloj shum\u00eb p\u00ebrvoja krejt konkrete t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj. P\u00ebr shembull, m\u00eb binte t\u00eb shkoja me pun\u00ebtor\u00eb me diskutu \u00e7\u00ebshtje me ndonj\u00eb minist\u00ebr a t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm sepse Shteti refuzonte \u2018rregullimin\u2019 e tyre, dhe gjithmon\u00eb ky p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi i Shtetit do t\u00eb m\u00eb pyeste, \u2018kush jeni ju?\u2019 dhe ne gjithmon\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjeshim, \u2018jemi nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb politike me popull, dhe reagimi gjithmon\u00eb ishte, \u2018n\u00eb rregull, por kush jeni ju?!\u2019 Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb: me u njoh si dikush do t\u00eb thot\u00eb me qen\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda Shtetit, p\u00ebrndryshe nuk t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb fare veshin. Rrjedhimisht, ka dy p\u00ebrfundime t\u00eb mundshme. Ose si p\u00ebrfundim ndodh nj\u00eb lloj \u2018diskutimi\u2019 me ndonj\u00eb rezultat politik ose p\u00ebrndryshe nuk ka hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr diskutim sepse jemi askushi. Edhe nj\u00ebher\u00eb kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e afirmimit: si mundemi me qen\u00eb dikushi pa qen\u00eb nga brenda? Ne duhet ta pohojm\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn ton\u00eb, principet tona, aksionin ton\u00eb, gjithmon\u00eb nga p\u00ebrjashta.<\/span><\/p>

Jam n\u00eb dijeni se disa kritik\u00eb t\u00eb mit\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjithashtu m\u00ebtojn\u00eb me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsu mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e nj\u00eb transformimi t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb situat\u00ebs ton\u00eb m\u00eb hedhin posht\u00eb si tep\u00ebr \u2018jasht\u00eb\u2019 k\u00ebtij procesi, duke m\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb se p\u00ebrfundimisht jam \u2018profet\u2019 dhe jo p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend lojtar aktiv n\u00eb bot\u00ebn konkrete dhe imanente. Nuk pajtohem aspak me k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj kund\u00ebrshtimi sepse n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e tij teorike t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb globale e harron logjik\u00ebn reale t\u00eb urdh\u00ebres\u00ebs dhe si p\u00ebrfundim domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e nj\u00eb konceptimi t\u00eb ri t\u00eb dialektik\u00ebs afirmuese. Pa Revolucionin Francez, pa revoltat madh\u00ebshtore t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve n\u00eb Franc\u00eb, pa l\u00ebvizjen reale dhe konkrete t\u00eb proletariatit Parizian, Marksi me siguri nuk do ta kishte kthjelluar kurr\u00eb konceptin e proletariatit. L\u00ebvizja nuk shkon prej konceptit t\u00eb proletariatit te l\u00ebvizja proletare. Mb\u00ebrja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb shkon prej revolt\u00ebs s\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve drejt nj\u00eb propozimi t\u00eb ri. Si p\u00ebrfundim, diskutimi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak mbi analiz\u00ebn konkrete t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb globale, por p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend mbi marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien ton\u00eb me Shtetin. \u00c7\u00ebshtja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse duhet me qen\u00eb p\u00ebrjashta apo p\u00ebrbrenda shtetit. Idea fundamentale \u00ebsht\u00eb: p\u00ebr me qen\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb dialektike afirmative t\u00eb re duhet me qen\u00eb p\u00ebrjashta shtetit, sepse brendia e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht figura negative e kund\u00ebrshtis\u00eb. P\u00ebrndryshe, edhe nj\u00ebher\u00eb, negativiteti, shfaqja e negativitetit, na vjen e para.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, dua t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul n\u00eb faktin se nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb logjike e re nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vizion i politik\u00ebs, ose edhe thjesht\u00eb vizion i disa praktikave t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta. Ia del, shum\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, me urdh\u00ebru nj\u00eb lloj antropologjie t\u00eb re. S\u00eb pari, mendoj se jemi kafsh\u00eb, un\u00eb flas p\u00ebr kafsh\u00eb njer\u00ebzore dhe trupa t\u00eb gjall\u00eb, dhe n\u00eb kontrast me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb humanizmin klasik i jap p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb kafsh\u00ebs shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb cil\u00ebsi. Si p\u00ebrfundim, kjo antropologji e re p\u00ebrmbledh t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn ton\u00eb konkrete si t\u00eb till\u00eb, pa asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, pa asnj\u00eb shtojc\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend mendoj se antropologjia kapitaliste ngrihet fundamentalisht mbi bindjen se njer\u00ebzimi \u00ebsht\u00eb asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos kafsh\u00eb egoiste. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Mendoj se na duhet me b\u00eb bukur shum\u00eb propagand\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb. Kapitalizmi modern \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb duke folur p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, demokracin\u00eb, lirin\u00eb e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb, por n\u00eb fakt mund t\u00eb shohim konkretisht se n\u00ebn t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto emra nuk shohim asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos kafsh\u00eb njer\u00ebzore me interesa, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e kan\u00eb p\u00ebr detyr\u00eb me qen\u00eb t\u00eb lumtur me mallrat. N\u00eb syt\u00eb e kapitalizmit subjekti \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka e tipit kafsh\u00eb-faqe-tregut. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrnj\u00ebmend p\u00ebrkufizimi i tij p\u00ebr njeriun. Kemi nj\u00eb hierarki n\u00eb fundin e t\u00eb cil\u00ebs ne jemi t\u00eb varfrit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb faqe tregut por pa mjete, dhe n\u00eb maj\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb pasurit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt po ashtu jan\u00eb faqe tregut por me shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb mjete dhe mbrojtja e k\u00ebsaj hierarkie nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos antroplogjia kapitaliste. Mund\u00ebsia me qen\u00eb di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr pos kafsh\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij kuptimi \u00ebsht\u00eb me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mb\u00ebrja subjekt e kafsh\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore; mb\u00ebhemi subjekt p\u00ebrmes p\u00ebrbrend\u00ebsimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb trupi t\u00eb ri, \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr pos t\u00eb qenit faqe-tregut. \u2018Pafund\u00ebsia\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr em\u00ebr p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb proces, sepse ajo \u00e7far\u00eb kemi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj trup\u00ebzimi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pohim i nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsie t\u00eb re me efekte t\u00eb pafundme. Mund\u00ebsia e re ka efekte t\u00eb pafundme; k\u00ebshtu ndodh gjithmon\u00eb. Prandaj, mund t\u00eb themi se t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, t\u00eb drejtat q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb subjektit, jan\u00eb n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb drejtat e pafund\u00ebsis\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb e kam prej Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Loytard, i cili e ka formuluar p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebn her\u00eb n\u00eb librin e tij m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, \u2018Le Differend<\/em>\u2019.\u00a04<\/sup><\/span><\/p>

Ama, cila \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht \u00e7\u00ebshtja antropologjike? Propozoj t\u00eb themi se kjo \u00e7\u00ebshtje \u00ebsht\u00eb: kush \u00ebsht\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht singulariteti i njer\u00ebzimit, i qenieve njer\u00ebzore? Sot, ne e dim\u00eb se ekziston nj\u00eb specie e kafsh\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore e p\u00ebrkufizuar sipas p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb saj n\u00eb tregun global dhe, n\u00eb kontrast me t\u00eb, mundemi me em\u00ebrtu \u2018njer\u00ebzim\u2019 kapacitetin e mb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb subjektit pas nj\u00eb ngjarjeje, ndaj di\u00e7kaje q\u00eb ngjan. Kapaciteti me pranu mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e trup\u00ebzimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb trupi subjektiv t\u00eb ri; kapaciteti me ia p\u00ebrviju efektet praktike trup\u00ebzimit \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb mb\u00ebrja e subjektit t\u00eb ri. N\u00eb mb\u00ebrjen e subjektit, p\u00ebrtej mb\u00ebshtetjes n\u00eb nj\u00eb ose disa kafsh\u00eb njer\u00ebzore, gjendet di\u00e7ka e pafundme, nj\u00eb krijim i ri i di\u00e7kaje t\u00eb pafundme, dhe p\u00ebr mua emri i k\u00ebsaj di\u00e7kaje t\u00eb pafundme \u00ebsht\u00eb: e v\u00ebrteta. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, mund t\u00eb themi se trup\u00ebzimi i subjektit \u00ebsht\u00eb trup\u00ebzimi i disa kafsh\u00ebve njer\u00ebzore n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs. Dhe n\u00eb kontekstin e dialektik\u00ebs afirmuese kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb fusha globale e asaj q\u00eb mund ta quajm\u00eb njer\u00ebzim ose qenie njer\u00ebzore. Bie dakord si p\u00ebrfundim me Marksin e ri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn ku thot\u00eb: \u2018vet\u00ebm n\u00eb krijimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb formave t\u00eb reja t\u00eb subjektit kemi di\u00e7ka si nj\u00eb njer\u00ebzim gjenerik 5<\/sup>, sepse njer\u00ebzimi gjenerik \u00ebsht\u00eb njer\u00ebzim i pafund\u00ebm, dhe kafsha njer\u00ebzore-faqe-tregut nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjenerike, por absolutisht partikulare\u2019.<\/span><\/p>

E gjith\u00eb kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb si nj\u00eb hipotez\u00eb e re mbi subjektin dhe po ashtu nj\u00eb hipotez\u00eb mbi jet\u00ebn njer\u00ebzore, mbi kuptimin e t\u00eb jetuarit p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit. N\u00eb librin tim \u2018Logjikat e Bot\u00ebve\u2019 u kund\u00ebrvihem t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb kuptimin e tyre t\u00eb p\u00ebrditsh\u00ebm me t\u00eb drejtat e pafund\u00ebsis\u00eb duke e kund\u00ebrshtuar \u2018materializmin demokratik\u2019 t\u00eb sotmin me projektin e \u2018materializmit dialektik\u2019, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebr i mundsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr dialektik\u00ebn afirmuese. Ajo \u00e7ka i b\u00ebn k\u00ebto forma t\u00eb materializmit antitetike \u00ebsht\u00eb kuptimi i tyre respektiv p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn njer\u00ebzore: ose nuk ka asgj\u00eb pos gjuh\u00eb dhe trupa, ose kemi edhe nj\u00eb term t\u00eb tret\u00eb, di\u00e7ka si prodhimi i t\u00eb \u2018v\u00ebrtetave\u2019 q\u00eb e \u00e7an p\u00ebrmidis hegjemonin\u00eb e ekzistenc\u00ebs son\u00eb kafsh\u00ebrore. Titulli i p\u00ebrmbylljes i Logjikave t\u00eb Bot\u00ebve<\/em> \u00ebsht\u00eb: \u2018\u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb me jetu?\u2019 dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pyetja p\u00ebrfundimtare e antropologjis\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, ka dy koncepte plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndryshme mbi jet\u00ebn njer\u00ebzore. I pari e redukton jet\u00ebn njer\u00ebzore n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kafsh\u00ebrore: p\u00ebrmbushja e t\u00eb gjitha d\u00ebshirave natyrale, lumturis\u00eb, siguris\u00eb e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. I dyti \u00ebsht\u00eb ai p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn po flasim k\u00ebtu: jeta njer\u00ebzore e identifikuar me trup\u00ebzimin n\u00eb nj\u00eb trup-t\u00eb-v\u00ebrtete. Pra, nj\u00eb qenie njer\u00ebzore jeton p\u00ebr s\u00eb v\u00ebrteti vet\u00ebm kur ai\/ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb agjenti\/ja e kalimit nga partikulariteti te universaliteti, nga procesi lokal n\u00eb gjenericitet, nga nj\u00eb bot\u00eb singulare n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb vertet\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme.<\/span><\/p>

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto kalime ngulmojn\u00eb n\u00ebn nj\u00eb Ide t\u00eb re, e cila p\u00ebr nj\u00eb individ konkret \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimi mes singularitetit t\u00eb tij\/saj partikular dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt gjenerike me universalitetin. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb politik\u00eb, emri p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb Ide, si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimi mes situat\u00ebs konkrete t\u00eb aksionit politik dhe nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb: komunizmi. Ndoshta ky konceptim ting\u00ebllon paksa heroik? Ne e dim\u00eb se shum\u00eb filozof\u00eb pohojn\u00eb se koha e heroizmit ka kaluar, por ndoshta Althusseri kishte t\u00eb drejt\u00eb tek pohonte se filozofia nuk ka histori. Fakti se nj\u00eb ide \u00ebsht\u00eb mod\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn, p\u00ebr filozofin, nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb ides\u00eb. P\u00ebr \u00e7do rast, edhe n\u00ebse ky konceptim \u00ebsht\u00eb paksa heroik, pohoj para jush: \u00ebsht\u00eb i imi, dhe sigurisht q\u00eb jam tep\u00ebr i vjet\u00ebr me ndryshu n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

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1. N\u00eb tekst koncepti i Negativitetit te Hegeli \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer me raste si \u2018Negativitet\u2019 e me raste si \u2018Mohim\u2019. M\u00eb s\u00eb shumti figuron si \u2018Mohim\u2019 p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur keqkuptimin q\u00eb vjen nga lidhja e \u2018Negativitetit\u2019 me kategorin\u00eb morale t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes. P\u00ebr Hegelin ky koncept nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kategori morale, por sh\u00ebnjon fuqin\u00eb mohuese ndaj rendit ekzistues. Mohimi nuk i b\u00ebhet nga jasht\u00eb rendit ekzistues dhe p\u00ebrball\u00eb tij, por m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti shp\u00ebrfaq kontradikt\u00ebn p\u00ebrbrenda vet\u00eb rendit e cila p\u00ebrmes kund\u00ebrshtytjes (mohimit) t\u00eb vetvetes e shtyn gjendjen n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr situat\u00eb. Kjo l\u00ebvizje e tejkalimit t\u00eb vetvetes cil\u00ebsohet si progres i Historis\u00eb nga linja e lexuesve progresist t\u00eb Hegelit. Sipas Hegelit historia si proces i realizimit t\u00eb \u2018Frym\u00ebs\u2019 dhe i ndryshimit t\u00eb qasjes s\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegjes ndaj bot\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb histori e tejkalimit t\u00eb rendit ekzistues p\u00ebrmes mohimit t\u00eb tij nga p\u00ebrbrenda rendit. Pra, p\u00ebr Hegelin nuk mundet t\u00eb ket\u00eb progres n\u00eb njer\u00ebzim pa mohim t\u00eb rendit ekzistues, progresi vjen si rezultat i kontradikt\u00ebs brenda-p\u00ebrbrenda rendit ekzistues. K\u00ebt\u00eb proces t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtytjes s\u00eb brendshme (imanente) t\u00eb rendit ekzistues Hegeli e konceptualizon n\u00eb pik\u00ebn q\u00eb njihet edhe si metoda dialektike. P\u00ebr Hegelin metoda dialektike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb metod\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u zbatuar p\u00ebr ndryshimin e historis\u00eb s\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit, por nj\u00eb aparat konceptual p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar dinamik\u00ebn e realitetit historik, fizik dhe metafizik t\u00eb menduar s\u00ebbashku.<\/span><\/p>

2.\u2018Mohimi i mohimit\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr moment i metod\u00ebs dialektike Hegeliane i cili sh\u00ebnjon rezultatin e kontradikt\u00ebs p\u00ebrbrenda rendit ekzistues prej prespektiv\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb cilit, tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb moment m\u00eb i avancuar vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsimi, kuptohet edhe momenti i mohimit paraprak t\u00eb rendit ekzisues si moment i vet\u00eb atij rendi dhe jo avancim i tij apo alternativ\u00eb ndaj tij. Sipas leximit t\u00eb filozofit bashk\u00ebkohor Sllavoj Zhizhek \u2018mohimi i mohimit\u2019 te Hegeli shp\u00ebrfaq faktin se dialektika e Hegelit nuk p\u00ebrshkon trajektoren e shpeshp\u00ebrmendur, por t\u00eb gabuar, tez\u00eb-antitez\u00eb-sintez\u00eb ku sinteza shihet si paqtimi i kontradikt\u00ebs mes tez\u00ebs e antitez\u00ebs duke i ruajtur secil\u00ebs pjes\u00ebn thelb\u00ebsore dhe p\u00ebrmes tyre duke prodhuar nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb tret\u00eb triumfalist. Sipas Zhizhek \u2018mohimi i mohimit\u2019 shp\u00ebrfaq faktin se vet\u00eb momenti i par\u00eb i mohimit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq radikal sa e mban veten n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimin e rendit ekzistues, por pjes\u00eb esenciale e tij, pra \u2018mohimi i mohimit\u2019 tregon p\u00ebrmas\u00ebn kushtetuese t\u00eb rendit q\u00eb p\u00ebr mohimin fillestar duket kontradiktore, pra nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh ku arrihet t\u00eb shihet \u2018paqja\u2019 n\u00eb vet\u00eb kontradikt\u00ebn, sesa n\u00eb \u2018paqe\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb kontradikta me vetveten, ku mohimi i rendit \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb i brendashkruar n\u00eb vet\u00eb kushtetimin e po k\u00ebtij rendi.<\/span><\/p>

3. N\u00eb shqip nga Jacques Ranciere \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrkthyer nga Elvis Hoxha vepra, \u2018Mosmarreveshja: politik\u00eb dhe filozofi\u2019, botuar n\u00eb vitin 2012 nga Zenit Editions.<\/span><\/p>

4. N\u00eb nj\u00eb prezantim t\u00eb k\u00ebtij punimi n\u00eb n\u00ebntorin e vitit 2019, pas nj\u00eb pyetjeje mbi orientimin politik q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb kishte sugjeruar aktualisht, Badiou p\u00ebrgjigjet: \u201cA \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb identifikojm\u00eb nj\u00eb orientim politik t\u00eb qart\u00eb sot? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e situatave dhe jo e diskutimit apo ligj\u00ebrimit imediat. Sot, v\u00ebrej se n\u00ebse politika mund t\u00eb identifikohet me tre terma \u2013 ngjarja<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0l\u00ebvizja e masave<\/em>,\u00a0situata shtyp\u00ebse<\/em>, dhe\u00a0p\u00ebrcaktimi politik<\/em>\u00a0si termi i tret\u00eb \u2013 at\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb themi se\u00a0p\u00ebrcaktimi politik<\/em>\u00a0sot \u00ebsht\u00eb i dob\u00ebt, jo i qart\u00eb. Dhe e dim\u00eb p\u00ebrse. Sepse sot \u00e7\u00ebshtja e organizimit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e err\u00ebt, pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb sekuenc\u00ebs s\u00eb gjat\u00eb historike t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste si zgjidhje masive e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb organizimit. Sot e dim\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0ngjarja<\/em>,\u00a0l\u00ebvizja<\/em>\u00a0dhe\u00a0barazia demokratike<\/em>, por n\u00eb lidhje me procesin politik si t\u00eb till\u00eb \u2013 n\u00eb lidhje me shtetin, pushtetin e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb \u2013 \u00e7\u00ebshtja e organizimit \u00ebsht\u00eb e err\u00ebt. Kur situata \u00ebsht\u00eb e err\u00ebt na duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb, t\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo me propozu nj\u00eb orientim politik t\u00eb qart\u00eb e kam t\u00eb pamundur ta b\u00ebj, p\u00ebrpos vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nivelin e principeve p\u00ebr disa prej k\u00ebtyre shqet\u00ebsimeve\u201d. (Miguel Abreu Gallery [Miguel Abreu]. (2019, November 27). Alain Badiou – The Dialectic in Politics: Affirmation, Negation, and the Affirmative Part of the Negation<\/em><\/a>)<\/span><\/p>

5. Gjenerikja n\u00ebnkupton t\u00eb q\u00ebnit universale, disponim i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimit dhe jo nj\u00eb cil\u00ebsi partikulare e vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb caktuar. N\u00eb vepr\u00ebn madhore t\u00eb tij \u2018Qenie dhe Ngjarje\u2019 Badiou e quan gjeneriken kategori emblematike t\u00eb mendimit t\u00eb tij. Kat\u00ebr procedurat e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs (Shkenca, Politika, Arti, Dashuria) jan\u00eb gjenerike, t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat e krijuara p\u00ebrmes tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme p\u00ebr secilin dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin.<\/span>

<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pavjo Gjini |P\u00ebrkthim| 04.03.2020 | nyje.al\u00a0 Alain Badiou \u00ebsht\u00eb filozof bashk\u00ebkohor francez, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb vetmit q\u00eb ende e mbron filozofin\u00eb si ende t\u00eb gjall\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dallueshme nga praktikat e tjera teorike. Ka drejtuar katedr\u00ebn e filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb \u00c9cole Normale Sup\u00e9rieure dhe s\u00eb bashku me filozof\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj francez si Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault and Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Lyotard ka themeluar Fakultetin e Filozofis\u00eb t\u00eb Universitetit t\u00eb Parisit VIII. N\u00eb veprat e tij madhore si \u2018Teoria e Subjektit\u2019, \u2018Qenie dhe Ngjarje\u2019 dhe \u2018Logjikat e Bot\u00ebve\u2019 zhvillohet nj\u00eb filozofi e re e t\u00eb menduarit t\u00eb Qenies, Bot\u00ebs, Subjektit, t\u00eb V\u00ebrtetave, Politik\u00ebs, Shkenc\u00ebs, Artit dhe Dashuris\u00eb. Sipas Badious ajo \u00e7ka e ka mund\u00ebsuar filozofin\u00eb n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim ka qen\u00eb zbulimi grek i matematik\u00ebs e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb rruga \u2018hyjnore\u2019 drejt kuptimit t\u00eb realitetit fizik pa nevoj\u00ebn e presupozimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb nj\u00ebshi t\u00eb madh gjithshpjegues q\u00eb q\u00ebndron pas tij. Po ashtu, p\u00ebr Badioun historia e njer\u00ebzimit \u00ebsht\u00eb histori e prodhimit periodik t\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave n\u00eb Shkenc\u00eb, Politik\u00eb, Art dhe Dashuri t\u00eb cilat mund\u00ebsohen nga angazhimi militant i subjektit q\u00eb punon p\u00ebr prodhimin\/krijimin e tyre (qoft\u00eb ky shkenc\u00ebtari, militanti politik, artisti apo i dashuruari) dhe t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme dhe t\u00eb disponueshme pas prodhimit\/krijimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin pa dallime. N\u00eb shkrimin e zgjedhur p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkthim Badiou b\u00ebn dallimin mes filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb tij dhe Teoris\u00eb Kritike t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e teoricienit Teodor Adorno dhe p\u00ebrvijon momentet qendrore q\u00eb jan\u00eb kushte mund\u00ebsie p\u00ebr prodhimin e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs nga subjekti militant. Prej veprave t\u00eb tij n\u00eb shqip jan\u00eb botuar nga Zenit Editions \u2018Sarkozy, emri i \u00e7’gj\u00ebkafshe \u00ebsht\u00eb?\u2019 dhe \u2018Sh\u00ebn Pali: themelimi i universializmit\u2019 p\u00ebrkthyer nga Elvis Hoxha, \u2018Lavd i dashuris\u00eb\u2019 p\u00ebrkthyer nga Blerina Hankollari, nd\u00ebrsa Pika pa Sip\u00ebrfaqe ka botuar \u2018Republika e Platonit\u2019 p\u00ebrkthyer po ashtu nga Elvis Hoxha. Problemi themelor n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e filozofis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb re. P\u00ebrndryshe, nuk mund t\u2019ia nisim me konsiderata rreth politik\u00ebs, jet\u00ebs, krijimit dhe aksionit. Na duhet si fillim t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruajm\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb re, ose m\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht, nj\u00eb dialektik\u00eb t\u00eb re. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb shtegu i Platonit dhe po ashtu i propozuar nga Karl Marks. Vepra e Karl Marksit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00eb pari nj\u00eb vizion historik, nj\u00eb teori e re e luft\u00ebs klasore, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb, por prej fillimit nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithshme e re n\u00eb agimin e dialektik\u00ebs hegeliane. Marksi me gjas\u00eb ishte i pari, ndoshta pas Platoni, i cili krijoi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie im\u00ebtake mes politik\u00ebs revolucionare dhe nj\u00eb kornize t\u00eb re dialektike. Sot kemi t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin problem. Pa m\u00ebdyshje, na duhet t\u00eb ndreqim di\u00e7ka pas dy shekujsh suksesesh dhe d\u00ebshtimesh n\u00eb politik\u00ebn revolucionare, dhe, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb socializmit me form\u00ebn-e-shtetit. Por gjithashtu na duhet t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb re, nj\u00eb propozim filozofik t\u00eb ri t\u00eb duhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha format ose krijimtarit\u00eb e reja. Rrjedhimisht \u00e7\u00ebshtja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dialektike dhe jo dialektike \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi ngul\u00e7uese. N\u00ebse doni ta themi ndryshe, problemi yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi i mohimit 1. Kur korniza logjike e aksionit politik \u00ebsht\u00eb e tipit t\u00eb dialektik\u00ebs klasike, at\u00ebher\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb t\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mohimi. K\u00ebtu zhvillimi i p\u00ebrpjekjes politike \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht di\u00e7ka e tipit \u2018revolt\u00eb kund\u00ebr\u2019, \u2018kund\u00ebrshtim ndaj\u2019, \u2018mohimi i\u2019, dhe pastaj e reja \u2013 krijimi i nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb ri, ose krijimi i nj\u00eb ligji t\u00eb ri \u2013 e cila vjen gjithnj\u00eb si rezultat i procesit t\u00eb mohimit. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb korniza hegeliane; kemi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mes afirmimit dhe negativitetit, nd\u00ebrtimit dhe mohimit, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn principi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i l\u00ebvizjes, dhe principi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i krijimit, \u00ebsht\u00eb mohimi. Dhe k\u00ebshtu vet\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizimi i klas\u00ebs revolucionare \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebnit kund\u00ebr shtetit aktual ose kund\u00ebr ligjit aktual n\u00eb kuptimin e posa\u00e7\u00ebm ku nd\u00ebrgjegja revolucionare, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb thoshte Vladimir Lenin, \u00ebsht\u00eb bazikisht nd\u00ebrgjegja q\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb marr\u00ebdhenien e mohimit me regjimin ekzistues. Ky vizion, si i till\u00eb, nuk mban m\u00eb. Ne po jetojm\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb lloj krize t\u00eb besimit te fuqia e mohimit dhe dim\u00eb dy forma t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj krize. Teodor Adorno mendonte se dialektika hegeliane klasike ishte tep\u00ebr afirmuese, tep\u00ebr e n\u00ebnshtruar ndaj fuqis\u00eb t\u00eb Totalitetit dhe t\u00eb Nj\u00ebshit. Ai propozonte nj\u00eb lloj hiper-negativiteti, emri i t\u00eb cilit ishte \u2018Dialektika Negative\u2019. Nga k\u00ebndi i sot\u00ebm, ne e dim\u00eb se me k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje nuk na mbetet asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos nj\u00eb etik\u00eb e m\u00ebshir\u00ebs, nj\u00eb vizion ku heroi i nd\u00ebrgjegjes son\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb trupi njer\u00ebzor n\u00eb vuajtje, viktima e kulluar, dhe e dim\u00eb po ashtu se ky moralizim i shkon plot\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrshtat dominimit kapitalist n\u00ebn mask\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Antonio Negri, por gjithashtu Louis Althusser, mendonte se dialektika hegeliane ishte tep\u00ebr mohuese, tep\u00ebr subjektive dhe tep\u00ebr indiferente ndaj potenc\u00ebs absolute t\u00eb Natyr\u00ebs, Jet\u00ebs, L\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb Historis\u00eb. K\u00ebta gjenin te Spinoza nj\u00eb model t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb i cili m\u00eb n\u00eb fund ishte pa mohim. Sot e dim\u00eb se me k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, kemi nj\u00eb pranim t\u00eb regjimit mbizot\u00ebrues, fal\u00eb bindjes se ky regjim \u00ebsht\u00eb plot risi dhe kreativitet, dhe se m\u00eb n\u00eb fund kapitalizmi modern \u00ebsht\u00eb forca imediate e cila punon, p\u00ebrtej perandoris\u00eb, n\u00eb drejtimin e nj\u00eb lloj komunizmi. Ajo \u00e7ka un\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqem t\u00eb b\u00ebj n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vepr\u00ebn time \u00ebsht\u00eb me propozu nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb re dialektike e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rikthim te Karl Marksi i ri ose te Georg W. F. Hegel. Pa qen\u00eb gjithashtu as nj\u00eb rikthim te dialektika negative e Adornos si nj\u00eb lloj estetike e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, dhe as nj\u00eb rikthim te ngrehina afirmuese e Negrit, e cila i shkat\u00ebrron t\u00eb gjitha format e dialekticitetit dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb disi nj\u00eb \u2018Shkence Gazmore\u2019 Ni\u00e7eane e Historis\u00eb. Mendoj se problemi i sot\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb me gjet\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrmbysur nga p\u00ebrbrenda saj logjik\u00ebn klasike dialektike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb afirmativiteti, ose propozimi pozitiv, t\u00eb vij\u00eb para mohimit n\u00eb vend se pas tij. N\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj m\u00ebnyre, p\u00ebrpjekja ime \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb gjej nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb dialektike ku di\u00e7ka-ja ose e ardhmja t\u00eb vij\u00eb p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb tashmes mohuese. 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