{"id":29714,"date":"2025-11-18T17:45:42","date_gmt":"2025-11-18T16:45:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=29714"},"modified":"2025-11-18T18:24:34","modified_gmt":"2025-11-18T17:24:34","slug":"moral-me-cizme-ligj-me-opinga","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/moral-me-cizme-ligj-me-opinga\/","title":{"rendered":"Moral me \u00e7izme, ligj me opinga"},"content":{"rendered":"

Liri Ku\u00e7i | 19.05.2025 | nyje.al<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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Deri kur tradita?<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cS\u2019jan\u00eb pun\u00eb p\u00ebr ne k\u00ebto, t\u00eb keqen, po na i sjellin nga jasht\u00eb. Ne kemi jetu mir\u00eb k\u00ebshtu denbabaden\u201d<\/span><\/i>.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

S\u2019mu duk sikur n\u00eb fytyr\u00ebn e tij kishte keqdashje. M\u00eb erdhi si fjali e th\u00ebn\u00eb pateklif, gati si p\u00ebr t\u2019u kapur pas nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb njohur, ku gjith\u00e7ka ngelet n\u00eb vend: gruaja n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim, burri kryefamiljar, f\u00ebmij\u00ebt n\u00eb rresht, Zoti n\u00eb mur. Mjafton nj\u00eb fjali e till\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se sa pran\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqes notojn\u00eb pasigurit\u00eb nga frika e humbjes s\u00eb busull\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb dridhje e vog\u00ebl n\u00eb tonin e p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb tregon se sa e brisht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo qet\u00ebsi q\u00eb e kemi menduar si tradit\u00eb. Deri n\u00eb urrejtje. Parehatin\u00eb q\u00eb rri pezull dhe g\u00ebrryen \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi, pavar\u00ebsi, \u00e7lirim e sheh kudo n\u00eb komente online, tryeza familjare, mjedise pune, n\u00eb predikime e panele publike.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky tension i vog\u00ebl i p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pika e nisjes. Aty fillon rr\u00ebfimi, sepse aty duket \u00e7arja midis bot\u00ebs q\u00eb kemi trash\u00ebguar dhe bot\u00ebs ku duam t\u00eb p\u00ebrkojm\u00eb. Ky normalitet – si\u00e7 e shtron Judith Butler (1993) kur flet p\u00ebr trupin dhe sesi shoq\u00ebria e normon gjinin\u00eb – nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i natyrsh\u00ebm, porse rezultat i praktikave t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme, narrativave t\u00eb trash\u00ebguara dhe institucioneve q\u00eb e kan\u00eb riprodhuar p\u00ebr dekada pa u v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje.\u00a0 N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb struktur\u00eb, barazia gjinore nuk perceptohet si politik\u00eb publike, por si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim i l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb tullave t\u00eb murit t\u00eb rendit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ligji sh\u00ebrben si pretekst.\u00a0 Kur d\u00ebgjon n\u00eb kafene burrin q\u00eb thot\u00eb: \u201ck\u00ebto ligje po na prishin qet\u00ebsin\u00eb\u201d, ai nuk po flet p\u00ebr nenet apo p\u00ebr procedurat parlamentare. Po flet p\u00ebr goditje ndaj nj\u00eb rendi emocional ku shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz jan\u00eb m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb b\u00ebhen\/b\u00ebjn\u00eb(ato) p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs(e) p\u00ebr stabilitetin e \u201cfamiljes\u201d, moralit, ritmit t\u00eb jet\u00ebs.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Po flet p\u00ebr \u00e7rregullimin e nj\u00eb bote q\u00eb Nancy Fraser (2016) e quan kriz\u00eb e riprodhimit shoq\u00ebror: momenti kur sistemi nuk e fsheh dot m\u00eb faktin se jeton mbi pun\u00ebn, trupat dhe heshtjen e disave, p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb stabilitet t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Dhe n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb pyes\u00eb \u201cpse ka kaq shum\u00eb dhun\u00eb, kaq shum\u00eb lodhje, kaq shum\u00eb pabarazi?\u201d, sistemi p\u00ebrgjigjet duke u kapur pas nj\u00eb \u201cnormaliteti\u201d imagjinar, nga frika se i l\u00ebkundet pushteti i m\u00ebsuar si i papreksh\u00ebm.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb sociologji quhet \u201cmbrojtje instinktive e normalitetit\u201d, q\u00eb vjen si reagim sa her\u00eb sfidohen normat gjinore, familjare, seksuale. Normalitet q\u00eb mbahet n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb nga mosndryshimi (Graff and Korolczuk 2022).<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, sa her\u00eb bie fjala p\u00ebr vrasjet, identitetet <\/span>queer<\/span><\/i>, dhun\u00ebn me baz\u00eb gjinore dhe sistemike, k\u00ebto nuk trajtohen si \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta shoq\u00ebrore, por si prekje e \u201cterritorit moral\u201d. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb pyesim si ta mbrojm\u00eb jet\u00ebn, dinjitetin dhe kujdesin shoq\u00ebror, nis nj\u00ebfar\u00eb gare n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi q\u00eb shum\u00eb prej nesh i ka l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pambrojtur.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Miratimi i ligjit p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb gjinore n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri sh\u00ebrbeu pik\u00ebrisht si xham i krisur nga ku u p\u00ebrthye jo vet\u00ebm pabarazia q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon adresim, por edhe vala q\u00eb do t\u2019i referohem si kundragjinore (<\/span>antigender<\/span><\/i>), q\u00eb l\u00ebviz posht\u00eb k\u00ebsaj sip\u00ebrfaqeje si panik i organizuar, nostalgji p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb, a frik\u00eb nga nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku grat\u00eb dhe njer\u00ebzit <\/span>queer<\/span><\/i> nuk pranojn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb thjesht prapavija e historis\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sepse ashtu si zorra qorre te njeriu, tradita, \u00ebsht\u00eb e pad\u00ebmshme deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn q\u00eb nuk infektohet. Q\u00eb t\u00eb mos helmoj\u00eb gjith\u00eb trupin shoq\u00ebror, trajtimi i saj, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim \u2013 b\u00ebhet shp\u00ebtim.<\/span><\/p>\n

77-Gjinit\u00eb dhe Liturgjia e Panikut\u00a0<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Por n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, ashtu si n\u00eb trup, mjafton nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e vog\u00ebl p\u00ebr ta aktivizuar dob\u00ebsin\u00eb e brendshme. K\u00ebt\u00eb b\u00ebri dhe Ligji p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb gjinore, teksa nuk prodhoi debat t\u00eb ri por e (ri)zgjoi duke prekur nj\u00eb plag\u00eb q\u00eb prej koh\u00ebsh pulsonte n\u00ebn sip\u00ebrfaqe.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb ndodh dhe as eksluzivisht n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Avazi \u00ebsht\u00eb <\/span>i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb<\/span><\/a>, kur sapo nis diskutimi p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb infrastrukture juridike m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb p\u00ebr pabarazit\u00eb strukturore, rikthehen fantazmat kolektive dhe merr menj\u00ebher\u00eb dhen\u00eb narrativa e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ku togfjal\u00ebshi LGBT p\u00ebrdoret si karrem dhe ku familja shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb refren territori t\u00eb ankthsh\u00ebm:<\/span> \u201cPo na prishni familjen\u201d, \u201cZoti nuk ju pranon\u201d, \u201cPo na rrisni f\u00ebmij\u00ebt pa moral\u201d,\u201cAs dreqit nuk i duhen 77 gjini\u201d, \u201cRrezik komb\u00ebtar\u201d<\/span><\/i>.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb diskutimit p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsor mbi tekstin ligjor, hapi i par\u00eb ishte gjuha e alarmit moral. N\u00eb dit\u00ebt e komisioneve d\u00ebgjimore dhe debateve televizive u riciklua repertori i njohur i dezinformimit e spektaklit t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb. Nuk servireshin argumente, po (ri)p\u00ebrtypje paniku. \u00cbsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ajo q\u00eb sociologet e quajn\u00eb infrastruktura transnacionale t\u00eb reagimit kundragjinor q\u00eb operacionalizohen sapo sfidohen hierarkit\u00eb sociale: nga figurat politike te aparatet mediatike, nga pastor\u00ebt e kishtar\u00ebt, te VIP-at dhe influenceret e tik tok-ut.<\/span><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, l\u00ebvizjet kundragjinore nuk jan\u00eb valvul e reagimeve spontane, apo folklor i zem\u00ebrimit popullor q\u00eb ia beh\u00ebn si rrufe n\u00eb qiell t\u00eb hapur. Rikthimi i panikut moral n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri erdh\u2019 i ushqyer p\u00ebr vite nga nj\u00eb terren ku politika, feja dhe mediat kan\u00eb prodhuar bashk\u00eb nj\u00eb ekosistem konservator t\u00eb mir\u00ebfortifikuar, q\u00eb mobilizohet p\u00ebr ruajtjen e rendit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr gjinor, duke luftuar dhe vet\u00eb iden\u00eb e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb si parim shoq\u00ebror.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e fundit (sidomos) po dhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt, Partia Demokratike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ka flirtuar dhe shpesh ka b\u00ebr\u00eb aleat\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt aktor\u00ebt m\u00eb aktiv\u00eb kund\u00ebr barazis\u00eb gjinore dhe t\u00eb drejtave LGBT+. Nga mobilizimet kund\u00ebr edukimit seksual (2019), kund\u00ebrshtia publike ndaj nismave p\u00ebr regjistrimin e gjinis\u00eb dhe orientimit seksual (2020\u20132022), te pranimi sistematik n\u00eb panele e fushata i figurave q\u00eb artikulojn\u00eb retorik\u00ebn kund\u00ebr \u201cideologjis\u00eb gjinore\u201d(<\/span>gender ideology<\/span><\/i>) \u2013 PD-ja ka importuar t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn struktur\u00eb si n\u00eb fushatat kund\u00ebr Konvent\u00ebs s\u00eb Stambollit n\u00eb Kroaci apo kund\u00ebr edukimit seksual n\u00eb<\/span> Poloni, me <\/span>t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin model mobilizimi q\u00eb ka shoq\u00ebruar val\u00ebn kundragjinore n\u00eb rajon e m\u00eb gjer\u00eb.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta makineri q\u00eb ka ushqyer ofensiv\u00ebn kund\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtave riprodhuese n\u00eb SHBA, nj\u00eb nga demokracit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vjetra, ku \u00ebsht\u00eb rikthyer kufizimi i abortit, ndalimi i librave q\u00eb cenojn\u00eb moralin, sulmet sistematike ndaj t\u00eb drejtave trans dhe fushatat e vrullshme ndaj \u201c<\/span>gender ideology<\/span><\/i>\u201d. N\u00eb Franc\u00eb dhe Holland\u00eb, partit\u00eb e ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb kan\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje si pretendente kryesore, e n\u00eb Itali, Meloni qeveris mbi platform\u00ebn e \u201cfamiljes tradicionale\u201d<\/span>. <\/span>Ashtu si\u00e7 tregojn\u00eb raportet m\u00eb t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb ILGA-Europe (<\/span>2024<\/span><\/a>), nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me reagime t\u00eb izoluara lokale, por me infrastruktur\u00eb t\u00eb organizuar, mb\u00ebshtetur nga dezinformimi i aparateve mediatike, politikat oportuniste t\u00eb djathta, figurat fetare dhe spektakli i rrjeteve sociale, duke prodhuar t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn val\u00eb ankthi e frike kudo ku sfidohet rendi gjinor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Por shkulmit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb i ka ndihmuar edhe konservatorizmi <\/span>i but\u00eb<\/span><\/i> i pushtetit t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste. PS-ja ka ndjekur p\u00ebr vite nj\u00eb model t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb, ku n\u00eb dokumente dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me BE-n\u00eb shfaqet si promotore e modernizimit ligjor, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb nivel kulturor, mediatik dhe institucional ka toleruar – e n\u00eb disa raste ka amplifikuar – diskursin tradicionalist. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat televizione t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me qeverin\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb disa fasha orare kthejn\u00eb prozhektor\u00ebt nga \u201cshoq\u00ebria e hapur\u201d dhe \u201cgruaja n\u00eb karrier\u00eb\u201d, n\u00eb t\u00eb tjerat, (ri)prodhojn\u00eb panik moral p\u00ebr edukimin, seksualitetin, rolet gjinore, trupin dhe moralin politik (femra, n\u00ebna, motra e dikujt – n\u00eb privat).\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare PS-ja performon si kampione e modernizimit ligjor, sakaq, n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, e ka toleruar\/p\u00ebrqafuar\/ridimensionuar seksizmin sipas interesit politik t\u00eb momentit. Nga meme-t seksiste t\u00eb Ram\u00ebs, te em\u00ebrimet e grave n\u00eb pozita t\u00eb larta si dekor p\u00ebr retorik\u00ebn e \u201cShqip\u00ebris\u00eb moderne\u201d, te p\u00ebrdorimi i gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb kinse-progresit p\u00ebr t\u00eb kamufluar praktikat e vjetra t\u00eb pushtetit, PS e ka shitur p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin si z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim t\u00eb emancipimit. <\/span>Spektakli \u00ebsht\u00eb kapitali i grumbulluar n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb q\u00eb shitet si imazh<\/span><\/i> (Debord, 1967), ky \u00ebsht\u00eb pra, konservatoriz\u00ebm m\u00eb i but\u00eb, por m\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm: ai normalizon <\/span>status quo<\/span><\/i>-n\u00eb teksa e marketon si progres (k\u00ebtu: p\u00ebrmes shitjes n\u00eb imazh).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebsoj me at\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb literatur\u00ebn politike njihet \u201cmodernizim pa emancipim\u201d: me ligje q\u00eb shtyhen p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb let\u00ebr, nd\u00ebrsa kultura e pushtetit n\u00eb vendnum\u00ebro. E gjitha kjo ndodh n\u00ebn hijen e nj\u00eb BE-je q\u00eb nuk vepron si struktur\u00eb transformuese, por si metronom burokratik. Shumica e reformave sociale n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb gjinore, vijn\u00eb si k\u00ebrkes\u00eb e kapitujve t\u00eb njohur si 23 dhe 24 n\u00ebn <\/span>Cluster 11<\/sup><\/span><\/i> – jo n\u00eb fakt si produkt i vullnetit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm politik. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, ligjet shpesh kalojn\u00eb si detyr\u00eb sht\u00ebpie: plot\u00ebsohet tabela, raportohet tek Komisioni, \u00e7iklohet tek Raporti i Progresit. Prandaj dhe qeveria Rama d\u00ebshtoi ta mbronte publikisht nism\u00ebn e p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit t\u00eb korniz\u00ebs ligjore, por i la \u201ct\u00eb haheshin me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin\u201d. Ndon\u00ebse po ta kishte nj\u00ebmend, do i dilte k\u00ebsaj p\u00ebrballjeje me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsi t\u00eb gatshme p\u00ebr debat, duke mos i l\u00ebn\u00eb dyfish vulnerab\u00ebl ato q\u00eb ligji rreket t\u2019i mbroj\u00eb.<\/span> Politika e brendshme, q\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019i shoq\u00ebronte k\u00ebto reforma me nd\u00ebrtim kapacitetesh<\/span> institucionale<\/span>, <\/span>lihet bosh – hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ku moralist\u00ebt ecin me \u00e7izme, nd\u00ebrsa ligji endet me opinga.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ky kontrast modernizimi procedural i shtyr\u00eb nga BE-ja n\u00eb dukje, dhe n\u00ebndhesh\u00ebm yshtur nga kultura politike ku ligji ec\u00ebn disi n\u00eb let\u00ebr, por shoq\u00ebria mbetet ende n\u00eb ng\u00ebr\u00e7, b\u00ebhet terren ideal p\u00ebr mobilizimin kundragjinor. Pik\u00ebrisht ky model hapi shtegun q\u00eb liturgjia e \u201c77 gjinive\u201d t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb kauz\u00eb komb\u00ebtare brenda nat\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, kjo u pa edhe kur aktivistet feministe, grupet e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe organizatat LGBT+ u ekspozuan p\u00ebr jav\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebra ndaj nj\u00eb tallazi t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr urrejtjeje, nga komentet online te emisionet <\/span>prime-time<\/span><\/i>, nga predikimet fetare e d\u00ebgjesat parlamentare. Ato mbajt\u00ebn pesh\u00ebn q\u00eb institucionet e shmang\u00ebn: p\u00ebrballjen me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet, demonizimin, talljen, dehumanizimin. Pati gra q\u00eb u quajt\u00ebn \u201carmike t\u00eb kombit\u201d, persona <\/span>queer<\/span><\/i> q\u00eb u p\u00ebrcoll\u00ebn si \u201ck\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt\u201d, aktiviste q\u00eb u tall\u00ebn publikisht nga figura t\u00eb njohura mediatike e <\/span>VIP-a<\/span><\/a> q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb audienc\u00eb te impulsiviteti moral. Pati sulme t\u00eb koordinuara n\u00eb mediat sociale, shpifje e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime n\u00eb nj\u00eb klim\u00eb q\u00eb synonte t\u00eb trembte, t\u00eb \u00e7mobilizonte, t\u00eb delegjitimonte.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb terren tensioni, ndodhi edhe paradoksi m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs politik: p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb parlament ishte mund\u00ebsia e nj\u00eb vote t\u00eb majt\u00eb – mb\u00ebshtetur edhe nga vet\u00eb ky elektorat q\u00eb sot po b\u00ebhet mish p\u00ebr top – sjell\u00eb mbi premtimin p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi e politika progresiste. Por pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentin kur po pritej nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim i qart\u00eb n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje, L\u00ebvizja Bashk\u00eb, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb ta p\u00ebrdorte (edhe simbolikisht) at\u00eb vot\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7arje e p\u00ebr ta thelluar kritik\u00ebn e saj, n\u00eb fakt zgjodhi mosangazhimin.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00eb k\u00ebrkosh nj\u00eb ligj m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitime, por t\u00eb mos e votosh duke mos mbajtur q\u00ebndrim publik, nuk mund t\u00eb lexohet jasht\u00eb kontekstit aktual. Kur aktivistet jan\u00eb duke marr\u00eb goditje t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme, teksa gjuha e urrejtjes \u00ebsht\u00eb institucionalizuar, e nd\u00ebrsa aparati mediatik riprodhon t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin qerthull dhune, mosvotimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb neutralitet a p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u b\u00ebr\u00eb pal\u00eb me politik\u00ebn e pushtetit. \u00cbsht\u00eb l\u00ebshim terreni. Sidomos kur PS-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn ethet e kapjes s\u00eb trenit performativ t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, jo ndryshimit strukturor q\u00eb s\u2019e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr 12 vjet me radh\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb dor\u00ebzim simbolik p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrfryme q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon pik\u00ebrisht l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb stepura (politike\/ideologjike\/shoq\u00ebrore), t\u00eb pavendosura n\u00eb momentin kur (ironikisht!) subjektet q\u00eb u th\u00ebrret kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr z\u00eb t\u00eb amplifikuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim. Prandaj miratimi i ligjit si proces, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa arritje<\/span> fundore nxori n\u00eb pah di\u00e7 m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa dogm\u00ebn<\/span> e nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkese ideologjike: munges\u00ebn e nj\u00eb politike kujdesi. Nevoj\u00ebn e nj\u00eb arkitekture shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb mbron jet\u00ebn e integritetin e grave dhe komuniteteve q\u00eb mezi e mbajn\u00eb kok\u00ebn mbi uj\u00eb – p\u00ebrtej brisht\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb egos partiake. Nj\u00eb parti q\u00eb pretendon se mbron pun\u00ebn, kujdesin dhe barazin\u00eb, refuzoi t\u00eb votoj\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb ligjore q\u00eb i forcon k\u00ebto fusha, duke e humbur k\u00ebshtu legjitimitetin q\u00eb m\u00eb pas ta problematizoj\u00eb munges\u00ebn e mekanizmave p\u00ebr aplikimin e tyre n\u00eb praktik\u00eb. A nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb detyra e opozit\u00ebs kjo?<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb radikale t\u00eb k\u00ebrkosh ligjin perfekt, kur shum\u00eb gra jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb pap\u00ebrsosura q\u00eb nuk presin dot. M\u00eb radikale do ishte t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrdorej ideali si alibi p\u00ebr mosp\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi. Sepse kur nj\u00eb subjekt politik zgjedh t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb aty n\u00eb momentin kur barazia\/nd\u00ebrhyrja\/p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi k\u00ebrkon vot\u00eb, ai nuk po rri m\u00ebnjan\u00eb por po vendos an\u00ebn. Dhe an\u00ebn e ka ndar\u00eb me ata q\u00eb e p\u00ebr\u00e7mojn\u00eb progresin n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb moralit, orbit\u00ebn konservatore.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fundja, derisa t\u00eb gatuhet e piqet ligji \u201cideal\u201d, \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh me grat\u00eb q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik sot? Me pasigurin\u00eb n\u00eb pun\u00eb, pushimet arbitrare, diskriminimin n\u00eb paga (neni 27, 29 dhe 30), pun\u00ebn e papaguar dhe munges\u00ebn e sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb kujdesit (neni 32), dhe edukimin e barazis\u00eb gjinore (neni 33) pik\u00ebrisht ato q\u00eb ky ligj i prek dhe q\u00eb L\u00ebvizja Bashk\u00eb i ka pasur flamur politik n\u00eb fushat\u00eb?<\/span><\/p>\n

Po me raportimin dhe munges\u00ebn e mbrojtjes ndaj gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb urrejtjes\/ dhun\u00ebs \/seksizmit? Me komunitetet <\/span>queer <\/span><\/i>q\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me lin\u00e7im publik?\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse politika e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs s\u00eb re reduktohet n\u00eb pritjen e partitur\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrsosur (mund\u00ebsisht ve\u00e7 po e b\u00ebri vet\u00eb) – teksa realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb i pap\u00ebrsosur deri n\u00eb dhimbje, at\u00ebher\u00eb ky q\u00ebndrim \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebz e kith\u00ebt me emancipimin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndryshimi nuk vjen me abstenim n\u00eb nj\u00eb Republik\u00eb Parlamentare pjes\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs kan\u00eb luftuar t\u00eb b\u00ebhen, e jan\u00eb besuar me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb vote. Ndryshimi mund t\u00eb arrihet m\u00eb leht\u00eb #bashk\u00eb me pranin\u00eb e z\u00ebrit dhe me p\u00ebrballjen me t\u00eb pap\u00ebrsosur\u00ebn q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb hapi i par\u00eb i \u00e7do t\u00eb drejte (<\/span>marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia dialektike mos thot\u00eb gj\u00eb?<\/span><\/i>).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ligjet krijojn\u00eb mekanizma q\u00eb e detyrojn\u00eb shtetin t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjet, t\u00eb llogaris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb struktura mbrojtjeje aty ku p\u00ebr vite kan\u00eb ekzistuar vet\u00ebm arnime individuale. Kur k\u00ebto mjete vonohen, bllokohen apo relativizohen, pabarazia\u00a0 thellohet, sepse sistemi vazhdon t\u00eb ushqehet me pun\u00ebn, heshtjen dhe cenueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e atyre q\u00eb ligji synon t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ligji e b\u00ebri k\u00ebt\u00eb: vuri dor\u00ebn mbi nerv.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pjesa tjet\u00ebr, ajo e v\u00ebshtira, nis tani.<\/span><\/p>\n

Vijon n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn II\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n

_<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. \u00a0<\/span>Cluster 1: The Fundamentals\u201d, ku p\u00ebrfshihen sundimi i ligjit, t\u00eb drejtat themelore dhe drejt\u00ebsia (zon\u00eb q\u00eb tradicionalisht korrespondon me kapitujt 23 dhe 24 t\u00eb acquis communautaire) European Commission – Albania 2023 Report (Progress Report)<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    _<\/p>\n

    Referencat<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

    1. Butler, Judith.\u201cBodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of \u2018Sex\u2019.\u201d New York: Routledge, 1993.<\/span><\/p>\n

    2. Fraser, Nancy.\u201cContradictions of Capital and Care.\u201d\u00a0New Left Review\u00a0100 (2016).<\/span><\/p>\n

    3. Graff, Agnieszka, dhe El\u017cbieta Korolczuk.\u201cAnti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment.\u201d London: Routledge, 2022.<\/span><\/p>\n

    4. Kuhar, Roman, dhe David Paternotte, red.\u201cAnti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality.\u201d London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017.<\/span><\/p>\n

    5. ILGA-Europe.\u201cAnnual Review of the Human Rights Situation of LGBTIQ People in Europe and Central Asia 2024.\u201d Brussels: ILGA-Europe, 2024.<\/span><\/p>\n

    6. European Commission.\u201cAlbania 2023 Report \u2013 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy.\u201d Brussels: European Commission, 2023. <\/span><\/p>\n

    7. <\/span>Amnesty International.\u201cCroatia: Authorities Must Stop Attacks on Istanbul Convention.\u201d News release, 2018. <\/span><\/p>\n

    8. <\/span>Human Rights Watch.\u201cPoland: \u2018Stop Pedophilia\u2019 Bill Threatens Sex Education.\u201d Report \/ news, 2019.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    S\u2019mu duk sikur n\u00eb fytyr\u00ebn e tij kishte keqdashje. M\u00eb erdhi si fjali e th\u00ebn\u00eb pateklif, gati si p\u00ebr t\u2019u kapur pas nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb njohur, ku gjith\u00e7ka ngelet n\u00eb vend: gruaja n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim, burri \u201ckryefamiljar\u201d, f\u00ebmij\u00ebt n\u00eb rresht, Zoti n\u00eb mur. Mjafton nj\u00eb fjali e till\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se sa pran\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqes notojn\u00eb pasigurit\u00eb nga frika e humbjes s\u00eb busull\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb dridhje e vog\u00ebl n\u00eb tonin e p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb tregon se sa e brisht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo \u201cqet\u00ebsi\u201d q\u00eb e kemi menduar si tradit\u00eb. Deri n\u00eb urrejtje. Parehatin\u00eb q\u00eb rri pezull dhe g\u00ebrryen \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi, pavar\u00ebsi, \u00e7lirim e sheh kudo n\u00eb komente online, tryeza familjare, mjedise pune, n\u00eb predikime e panele publike…<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":29715,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"episode_type":"","audio_file":"","podmotor_file_id":"","podmotor_episode_id":"","cover_image":"","cover_image_id":"","duration":"","filesize":"","filesize_raw":"","date_recorded":"","explicit":"","block":"","ocean_post_layout":"","ocean_both_sidebars_style":"","ocean_both_sidebars_content_width":0,"ocean_both_sidebars_sidebars_width":0,"ocean_sidebar":"0","ocean_second_sidebar":"0","ocean_disable_margins":"enable","ocean_add_body_class":"","ocean_shortcode_before_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_after_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_before_header":"","ocean_shortcode_after_header":"","ocean_has_shortcode":"","ocean_shortcode_after_title":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_bottom":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_bottom":"","ocean_display_top_bar":"default","ocean_display_header":"default","ocean_header_style":"","ocean_center_header_left_menu":"0","ocean_custom_header_template":"0","ocean_custom_logo":0,"ocean_custom_retina_logo":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_height":0,"ocean_header_custom_menu":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_family":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_subset":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_size":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_unit":"px","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_line_height":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_unit":"","ocean_menu_typo_spacing":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_unit":"","ocean_menu_link_color":"","ocean_menu_link_color_hover":"","ocean_menu_link_color_active":"","ocean_menu_link_background":"","ocean_menu_link_hover_background":"","ocean_menu_link_active_background":"","ocean_menu_social_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_links_color":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_color":"","ocean_disable_title":"default","ocean_disable_heading":"default","ocean_post_title":"","ocean_post_subheading":"","ocean_post_title_style":"","ocean_post_title_background_color":"","ocean_post_title_background":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_image_position":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_attachment":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_repeat":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_size":"","ocean_post_title_height":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay":0.5,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay_color":"","ocean_disable_breadcrumbs":"default","ocean_breadcrumbs_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_separator_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_hover_color":"","ocean_display_footer_widgets":"default","ocean_display_footer_bottom":"default","ocean_custom_footer_template":"0","ocean_post_oembed":"","ocean_post_self_hosted_media":"","ocean_post_video_embed":"","ocean_link_format":"","ocean_link_format_target":"self","ocean_quote_format":"","ocean_quote_format_link":"post","ocean_gallery_link_images":"on","ocean_gallery_id":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[19,881,138,1158,1078,1159,1080],"class_list":["post-29714","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kryenyje","tag-analize","tag-dhuna-gjinore","tag-kamez","tag-ligji-per-barazi-gjinore","tag-liri-kuci","tag-moral-me-cizme","tag-politika-sociale","entry","has-media"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29714","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=29714"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29714\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":29729,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/29714\/revisions\/29729"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/29715"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=29714"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=29714"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=29714"}],"curies":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