{"id":28500,"date":"2025-05-17T09:19:43","date_gmt":"2025-05-17T07:19:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=28500"},"modified":"2025-05-17T09:31:11","modified_gmt":"2025-05-17T07:31:11","slug":"mbi-nje-tip-te-ri-te-shtetit-elektoral-dhe-nje-shteg-te-daljes-prej-regjimeve-te-tij","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/mbi-nje-tip-te-ri-te-shtetit-elektoral-dhe-nje-shteg-te-daljes-prej-regjimeve-te-tij\/","title":{"rendered":"Mbi nj\u00eb tip t\u00eb ri t\u00eb shtetit elektoral dhe nj\u00eb shteg t\u00eb daljes prej regjimeve t\u00eb tij"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Mbi nj\u00eb tip t\u00eb ri t\u00eb shtetit elektoral dhe nj\u00eb shteg t\u00eb daljes prej regjimeve t\u00eb tij<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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17.05.2025 | Nebi Bardhoshi | nyje.al<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja n\u00ebse zgjedhjet u vodh\u00ebn. Sot kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb sistem ku zgjedhjet kontrollohen nga partia n\u00eb pushtet \u2013 Partia Socialiste. Ajo deklaron se \u00ebsht\u00eb modernizuar, ndaj dhe fiton. N\u00eb fakt, \u00ebsht\u00eb modernizuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb vjedhur m\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe, akoma m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar vot\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme dhe jasht\u00eb kornizave institucionale. Kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb sistem tashm\u00eb t\u00eb njohur dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur \u2013 nj\u00eb model i sofistikuar i manipulimit elektoral. Forma m\u00eb e njohur \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e Putinit; forma t\u00eb tjera hibride t\u00eb k\u00ebtij modeli hasen brenda dhe jasht\u00eb Bashkimit Europian.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ekzistenca e k\u00ebtij modeli t\u00eb kontrollit zgjedhor nuk buron thjesht nga nj\u00eb parti e mir\u00eborganizuar. Ai mb\u00ebshtetet mbi nj\u00eb Parti q\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb e mir\u00eborganizuar, por p\u00ebrdor burimet publike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur pushtetin: paga dhe poste, tender\u00eb p\u00ebr firma dhe oligark\u00eb, p\u00ebrdorimin e policive private (k\u00ebtu duhet v\u00ebn\u00eb theksi fort), dhe sektor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb me fonde publike. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tip i ri i shtetit elektoral.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ka edhe nj\u00eb zon\u00eb tjet\u00ebr: ajo e krimit zgjedhor. Krimi zgjedhor ndahet n\u00eb dy faza \u2013 para dit\u00ebs s\u00eb zgjedhjeve dhe dit\u00ebn e votimit. K\u00ebt\u00eb e d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb hapur rastet e Elbasanit, si dhe m\u00ebnyrat se si fitohen mandatet n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, Vor\u00eb apo Elbasan. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e njohur, e pranuar gjer\u00ebsisht, edhe pse vazhdon t\u00eb relativizohet duke u \u201cprojektuar\u201d te nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri e p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe e fajshme \u2013 nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb reale.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb sistem e p\u00ebrkufizojm\u00eb si shtet elektoral: nj\u00eb shtet i kapur nga kombinimi i nj\u00eb partie me organizim t\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe me nj\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi t\u00eb gjat\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet \u2013 nj\u00eb parti q\u00eb njeh m\u00eb mir\u00eb se kushdo vij\u00ebn e partis\u00eb, kontrollin social, dhe q\u00eb e trajton \u201cdemokracin\u00eb\u201d thjesht si nj\u00eb loj\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtet, e cila i takon t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, por jo asaj vet\u00eb dhe kuadrove t\u00eb saj. Porse nuk mjafton vet\u00ebm kjo. Tashm\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb shtet elektoral, i cili p\u00ebrdor gjith\u00eb zellin e vij\u00ebs s\u00eb partis\u00eb dhe burimet e saj njer\u00ebzore, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb simbioz\u00eb me krimin dhe me burime ekstraligjore.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb ndodh n\u00eb kampin opozitar?<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/span>
<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb regjimet e nj\u00eb shteti elektoral, ku autokracia dhe oligarkia shk\u00ebmbehen dhe performojn\u00eb demokracin\u00eb, opozit\u00ebs i takon t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb bot\u00ebn demokratike t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem, partit\u00eb opozitare detyrohen t\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb demokratike, se mbrojn\u00eb vlera demokratike, dhe se i shfaqin ato qart\u00eb si praktika publike dhe institucionale. Ky detyrim rrjedh nga vet\u00eb thelbi i betej\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre \u2013 n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ndryshim.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Por n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet elektoral, opozita p\u00ebrjeton vet\u00ebm fragmentim: fragmentim t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm n\u00eb parti dhe kampe politike, sepse edhe vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb e cop\u00ebzuar dhe e frustruar. Pushteti punon q\u00eb ta<\/span><\/span> cop\u00ebzoj\u00eb m\u00eb tej k\u00ebt\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, duke investuar q\u00eb opozita t\u00eb mos bashkohet.<\/span><\/span>
<\/span><\/span>\u00c7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr bashkim duket thuajse e pamundur. Kjo nd\u00ebrlikohet sidomos nga p\u00ebrplasja mes partive q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kurr\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet dhe PD-s\u00eb apo partive q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. Partive t\u00eb reja u duhet t\u00eb artikulojn\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb anti-establishment p\u00ebr t\u2019u identifikuar si rrym\u00eb e re, p\u00ebr t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb thuhen brenda ose n\u00eb aleanc\u00eb me partin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe opozitare.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Partia Demokratike shpall veten viktim\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre sulmeve. Her\u00eb pas here ka nj\u00ebfar\u00eb t\u00eb drejte \u2013 sidomos kur \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja e sulmuar dhe sheh se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. Por po aq shpesh, PD p\u00ebrfiton nga kjo pozit\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur \u00e7do kritik\u00eb, duke e konsideruar at\u00eb t\u00eb orkestruar apo t\u00eb sponsorizuar nga pushteti. Edhe k\u00ebtu hyn n\u00eb loj\u00eb makineria e shtetit elektoral. Partia n\u00eb pushtet, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet mekanizmave mediatik\u00eb dhe administrativ\u00eb, thellon ndarjen n\u00eb kampin opozitar duke u krijuar platforma t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb kampin opozitar, ose \u2013 n\u00ebse nuk krijon platforma \u2013 duke lejuar q\u00eb debati t\u00eb zhvillohet vet\u00ebm mes alternativave t\u00eb reja dhe atyre tradicionale n\u00eb kampin opozitar. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, fronti opozitar vet\u00ebm cop\u00ebzohet dhe zvog\u00eblohet \u2013 jo aq n\u00eb numra, sa n\u00eb energji dhe legjitimitet.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb fitorja kryesore e PS n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje?<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/span>
<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb numri i votave. Ato thuajse jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta. As numri i mandateve, ndon\u00ebse ishte nj\u00eb surpriz\u00eb e hidhur. Ky num\u00ebr abuziv mund t\u00eb kthehej v\u00ebrtet n\u00eb shenj\u00ebn q\u00eb b\u00ebn t\u00eb qart\u00eb regjimin politik ku Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb zhytur. Por fitorja kryesore \u00ebsht\u00eb kot\u00ebsimi i t\u00eb menduarit p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij regjimi. K\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb e leht\u00ebson menj\u00ebher\u00eb kampi opozitar. Partia Demokratike reagon sakt\u00ebsisht si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb parashikuar nga shteti elektoral \u2013 nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb ka futur n\u00eb \u201ckllap\u00ebn\u201d e vet interpretative edhe Bashkimin Europian, t\u00eb shkujdesur p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. PD reagon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur, sikur t\u00eb ishim ende n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1990. Nd\u00ebrsa partit\u00eb e reja, institucionalisht, ankohen m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr sistemin zgjedhor sesa p\u00ebr vjedhjen dhe kontrollin shtet\u00ebror t\u00eb zgjedhjeve. Sigurisht q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb p\u00ebr sistemin zgjedhor, dhe ka nj\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mesazh, por kjo nuk mjafton.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Partia m\u00eb e madhe opozitare, edhe teksa protestonte p\u00ebr vjedhjen e vot\u00ebs, s\u00ebrish dominohej nga nj\u00eb \u201cvij\u00eb e ashp\u00ebr\u201d e brendshme, q\u00eb shpall veten viktim\u00eb dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt si agresor\u00eb. Kjo linj\u00eb politike, duke pasur m\u00eb pak mb\u00ebshtetje popullore, e ka t\u00eb pamundur t\u00eb zgjerohet n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. I mungon legjitimiteti i gjer\u00eb social, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs n\u00eb pushtet dhe n\u00eb opozit\u00eb \u2013 pa p\u00ebrmendur m\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e reduktuar politike q\u00eb p\u00ebrdor. Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, legjitimiteti i k\u00ebsaj elite t\u00eb brendshme politike ka humbur thuajse \u00e7do lidhje me frym\u00ebn demokratike, teksa p\u00ebrfshiu veten n\u00eb listat e sigurta \u2013 n\u00eb lista t\u00eb mbyllura \u2013 pik\u00ebrisht ashtu si nuk duhej.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sot, fronti opozitar \u00ebsht\u00eb i cop\u00ebzuar jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb organizim, por edhe n\u00eb q\u00ebndrim ndaj vet\u00eb zgjedhjeve.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

A ka nj\u00eb dalje nga ky kurth?<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Shoh vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb rrug\u00ebdalje nga kjo gjendje: q\u00eb kampi opozitar t\u00eb b\u00ebhet bashk\u00eb. E di q\u00eb kjo ting\u00ebllon naive dhe e vjetruar, por nuk ka rrug\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Mendoj se opozita duhet t\u00eb kombinoj\u00eb demokratizimin e brendsh\u00ebm me arritjen e nj\u00eb pakti t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt opozitar. Dor\u00ebheqjet e atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb humbur n\u00eb zgjedhje duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb vet\u00ebm hapi i par\u00eb. Kjo dor\u00ebheqje nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me faktin se nuk ia dol\u00ebn t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb zgjedhjet. E them k\u00ebt\u00eb sepse kushdo q\u00eb i mbron do t\u00eb thot\u00eb: a nuk po pohoni se zgjedhjet jan\u00eb vjedhur dhe kontrolluar nga nj\u00eb shtet elektoral? Sigurisht q\u00eb po \u2013 i q\u00ebndrojm\u00eb k\u00ebsaj bindjeje. Por ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb humbur k\u00ebto zgjedhje duhet t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, sepse nuk jan\u00eb sot n\u00eb politik\u00eb si njer\u00ebz t\u00eb painformuar p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si funksionon ky shtet elektoral. Nuk jan\u00eb pa p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr loj\u00ebn e sigurt q\u00eb b\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr vendet e tyre n\u00eb parlament. E t\u00eb tjera mund t\u00eb listohen. M\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja nga t\u00eb gjitha \u00ebsht\u00eb se ata duhet t\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb njer\u00ebz q\u00eb mbajn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, dhe se besojn\u00eb n\u00eb vlerat demokratike. N\u00ebse jo, secila parti do t\u00eb reduktohet vazhdimisht. Por m\u00eb kryesorja \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb partit\u00eb opozitare t\u00eb mblidhen dhe t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb nj\u00eb pakt \u2013 nj\u00eb pakt t\u00eb ri social dhe politik q\u00eb ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim krijimin e nj\u00eb sistemi demokratik.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ky pakt nuk ka pse t\u00eb jet\u00eb ideologjik \u2013 mjafton t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sistem elektoral t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Ai duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb qeverie teknike, e cila t\u00eb ket\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb mision: reformimin e sistemit zgjedhor.<\/span> <\/span><\/a>Kjo reform\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet mbi tri shtylla: 1. Garantimi i zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira dhe t\u00eb ndershme. 2. Nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb sistemi elektoral p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues dhe solid. 3. Krijimi i nj\u00eb sistemi elektoral dhe ligjor q\u00eb nuk lejon nj\u00eb parti ose nj\u00eb oligarki t\u00eb kap\u00eb shtetin dhe ta kthej\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet elektoral.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sepse, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, jetojm\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shtet: nj\u00eb rend ku loja e demokracis\u00eb ekziston vet\u00ebm si loj\u00eb opozitare, e kontrolluar nga nj\u00eb makineri q\u00eb e mban pushtetin nd\u00ebr duar dhe kot\u00ebson \u00e7do debat.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja n\u00ebse zgjedhjet u vodh\u00ebn. Sot kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb sistem ku zgjedhjet kontrollohen nga partia n\u00eb pushtet \u2013 Partia Socialiste. Ajo deklaron se \u00ebsht\u00eb modernizuar, ndaj dhe fiton. N\u00eb fakt, \u00ebsht\u00eb modernizuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb vjedhur m\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe, akoma m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar vot\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme dhe jasht\u00eb kornizave institucionale. Kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb sistem tashm\u00eb t\u00eb njohur dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur \u2013 nj\u00eb model i sofistikuar i manipulimit elektoral. Forma m\u00eb e njohur \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e Putinit; forma t\u00eb tjera hibride t\u00eb k\u00ebtij modeli hasen brenda dhe jasht\u00eb Bashkimit 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