{"id":28483,"date":"2025-05-19T10:00:40","date_gmt":"2025-05-19T08:00:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=28483"},"modified":"2025-05-19T10:37:26","modified_gmt":"2025-05-19T08:37:26","slug":"kujdesi-qe-na-mohohet-eshte-forma-me-e-qete-e-dhunes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/kujdesi-qe-na-mohohet-eshte-forma-me-e-qete-e-dhunes\/","title":{"rendered":"Kujdesi q\u00eb na mohohet \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb e qet\u00eb e dhun\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Liri Ku\u00e7i | 19.05.2025 | nyje.al<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Kujdesi q\u00eb na mohohet \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb e qet\u00eb e dhun\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb dhuna q\u00eb nuk e p\u00ebrplas der\u00ebn, por e mbyll ngadal\u00eb. Q\u00eb nuk l\u00eb gjurm\u00eb n\u00eb trup, por n\u00eb jet\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb dhuna q\u00eb e ushtron pushtetin n\u00eb heshtje, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet burokracis\u00eb q\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebson nd\u00ebrgjegjen, referimit q\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebson mb\u00ebshtetjen, statistik\u00ebs q\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebson kujdesin. \u00cbsht\u00eb ajo dhun\u00eb q\u00eb e ndien kur i drejtohesh shtetit dhe ai nuk p\u00ebrgjigjet – sepse nuk t\u00eb ka menduar kurr\u00eb si subjekt q\u00eb meriton jet\u00eb t\u00eb jetueshme.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Shpikja e kujdesit: kur shteti flet p\u00ebr grat\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur veten<\/b><\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb fjalorin e institucioneve, \u201ckujdesi\u201d p\u00ebr viktimat e dhun\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb term teknik, steril, i shk\u00ebputur nga realiteti jet\u00ebsor i grave q\u00eb \u00e7do dit\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me frik\u00eb, izolim, papun\u00ebsi dhe heshtje institucionale.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb mars t\u00eb vitit 2024, Bashkia Kam\u00ebz iu p\u00ebrgjigj nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkese zyrtare p\u00ebr informacion nga gazeta komunitare \u201cNyje.al\u201d, me nj\u00eb dokument q\u00eb liston, me sakt\u00ebsi burokratike, mekanizmat dhe sh\u00ebrbimet q\u00eb ofrohen p\u00ebr grat\u00eb viktima t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs me baz\u00eb gjinore. Dokumenti \u00ebsht\u00eb i mbushur me referenca ligjore, vendime t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Ministrave, p\u00ebrshkrime strukturash organizative dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht me numra: \u201c207 raste t\u00eb trajtuara\u201d, \u201c8 punonj\u00ebs t\u00eb barazis\u00eb gjinore\u201d, \u201c9900 lek\u00eb ndihm\u00eb p\u00ebr secilin t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb Urdh\u00ebr Mbrojtjeje\u201d. Por m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb e kujdesit, ky dokument<\/a><\/u>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb akt i shpikjes s\u00eb tij.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>

\u00cbsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si shteti lokal krijon iden\u00eb e veprimit pa pasur nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr vet\u00eb veprimin. \u00cbsht\u00eb shfaqje e fuqis\u00eb p\u00ebrmes menaxhimit t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, jo p\u00ebrmes transformimit t\u00eb realitetit.<\/span><\/p>

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb thelb, ajo q\u00eb Sara Ahmed e ka quajtur <\/span>\u201cdiversity work as institutional wall\u201d<\/span><\/i> \u2013 puna e larmis\u00eb (n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb, puna e kujdesit) q\u00eb prodhohet jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar struktur\u00ebn, por p\u00ebr ta mbuluar at\u00eb. Te Bashkia Kam\u00ebz, \u201ckujdesi\u201d b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb formul\u00eb mbrojtjeje institucionale, jo nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje e p\u00ebrkushtuar ndaj jet\u00ebve t\u00eb grave.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>

\u00cbsht\u00eb retorik\u00eb q\u00eb sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndaluar pyetje q\u00eb nuk notojn\u00eb n\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe: \u00c7far\u00eb ndodh me nj\u00eb grua pas Urdhrit t\u00eb Mbrojtjes? A ka ajo ku t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb? A ndjen siguri? A ka mb\u00ebshtetje psiko-sociale q\u00eb shkon p\u00ebrtej nj\u00eb seance falas k\u00ebshillimi? A ka kush i mban f\u00ebmij\u00ebt kur ajo shkon n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb? A \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb re, pa u kthyer n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin vend ku e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Politika q\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb referim jo mb\u00ebshtetje – kujdesi si performanc\u00eb institucionale<\/b><\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebrgjigjja institucionale nuk i b\u00ebn k\u00ebto parashtrime, sepse nuk ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim jet\u00ebn\/subjektin \u2013 ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim mbrojtjen e imazhit institucional. N\u00eb t\u00eb, referimi b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e, por nuk ndalet asnj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh m\u00eb pas. N\u00ebse nj\u00eb grua nuk e ndjek dot nj\u00eb proces gjyq\u00ebsor, n\u00ebse nuk ka mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr strehim p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim ligjor, p\u00ebr ndihm\u00eb me paketa ushqimore. Kjo shp\u00ebrndarje e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shenj\u00eb e nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb gjer\u00eb solidar, por shmangie nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia publike.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

N\u00ebse kujdesi p\u00ebr viktimat e dhun\u00ebs mb\u00ebshtetet kryesisht n\u00eb burime t\u00eb jashtme, jopublike, afatshkurtra dhe shpesh n\u00eb baza projektesh, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kujdes \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb ndihm\u00eb e kusht\u00ebzuar q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb ask\u00ebnd p\u00ebr gjat\u00eb. Dhe kjo e kthen shtetin n\u00eb nj\u00eb administrator t\u00eb munges\u00ebs, jo n\u00eb nj\u00eb garantues t\u00eb jet\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>

Mund t\u00eb kishim qen\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr terren t\u00eb diskutimit: at\u00eb t\u00eb praktikave feministe t\u00eb p\u00ebrkujdesjes si nd\u00ebrtim marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniesh, si etik\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidh\u00ebse sociale dhe si politik\u00eb e shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb. Shum\u00ebsia e literatur\u00ebs feministe p\u00ebr kujdesin, na orienton q\u00eb p\u00ebrkujdesja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb akt individual apo nj\u00eb sektor sh\u00ebrbimi, por nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur jet\u00ebn kolektive. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb terrenin konkret ku operon pushteti lokal, kujdesi nuk shfaqet si marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie, por si mekaniz\u00ebm \u2013 nj\u00eb sistem i brendsh\u00ebm mbrojtjeje institucionale (dhe ky i pamjaftuesh\u00ebm), q\u00eb funksionon p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar iden\u00eb e nd\u00ebrhyrjes pa krijuar asnj\u00eb ndryshim p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsor. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb infrastrukture q\u00eb mbron dhe mban p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, kemi nj\u00eb aparat q\u00eb i end grat\u00eb nga nj\u00eb hallk\u00eb n\u00eb tjetr\u00ebn, dhe q\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7do munges\u00eb reale, ofron nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb sjell\u00eb n\u00eb gjuh\u00eb menaxheriale. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se kujdesi mungon \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb i deformuar n\u00eb thelb, i ndar\u00eb nga drejt\u00ebsia, i shp\u00ebrfytyruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb institucionin, jo jet\u00ebn.<\/span><\/p>

K\u00ebtu, kur Bashkia e Kamz\u00ebs pretendon, se ka krijuar struktura t\u00eb mbrojtjes p\u00ebr grat\u00eb dhe vajzat q\u00eb p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb dhun\u00eb me baz\u00eb gjinore, ajo flet n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb q\u00eb synon m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb imazhin e vet sesa t\u00eb prek\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e problemit. Ligje, VKM, koordinime nd\u00ebrinstitucionale, mekanizma referimi, pagesa mujore, t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb rreshtuara me kujdes p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar iluzionin e nj\u00eb sistemi funksional.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

E megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb katalog sh\u00ebrbimesh nuk p\u00ebrshkohet asgj\u00eb nga tensioni, pasiguria, dhimbja dhe mungesa e shpres\u00ebs me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jeton nj\u00eb grua q\u00eb ka zgjedhur t\u00eb thyej\u00eb heshtjen. Nuk p\u00ebrcillet kujdesi si praktik\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore: marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie, p\u00ebrkushtim, siguri afatgjat\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb kemi, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kujdes i proceduruar, i ftoht\u00eb, q\u00eb sh\u00ebrben m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb prodhuar raporte dhe statistika se sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb sh\u00ebruar plag\u00eb reale. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb thelbi i dhun\u00ebs strukturore n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb sh\u00ebrimit, ofron referim; n\u00eb vend t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes, ofron menaxhim rasti; n\u00eb vend t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave, ofron asistenc\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Femicidi n\u00eb territorin e p\u00ebrjashtimit<\/b><\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb diskursin publik, Kamza shpesh p\u00ebrshkruhet si \u201cjasht\u00eb qytetit\u201d, si nj\u00eb vend pa form\u00eb, pa z\u00eb dhe pa agjenci. Kjo qasje nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht klasiste \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb racializuese n\u00eb thelb, duke e vendosur Kamz\u00ebn si nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ekziston vet\u00ebm n\u00eb raport me Tiran\u00ebn, qendr\u00ebn e legjitimuar. Grat\u00eb e Kamz\u00ebs, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb, ose sentimentalizohen ose nuk p\u00ebrmenden, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se si statistik\u00eb, viktim\u00eb, ose anomali. Sakaq, kur nj\u00eb grua reziston n\u00eb nj\u00eb qytet t\u00eb heshtur, ajo sfidon jo vet\u00ebm patriarkatin, por edhe kufijt\u00eb e shpikur t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs dhe periferis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Nuk ka gj\u00eb m\u00eb politike se trupi i nj\u00eb gruaje n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb e konsideron jet\u00ebn e saj si\u00a0 statistik\u00eb<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Viti 2023 e tronditi Kamz\u00ebn. 1 mars 2023. Tri plagosje dhe tri vrasje t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme Mevlute Hysa, Etleva Kurti dhe Hasime Dafku; gra t\u00eb vrara, t\u00eb pad\u00ebgjuara, t\u00eb paarritshme p\u00ebr institucionet q\u00eb e quajn\u00eb veten \u201cmbrojt\u00ebse\u201d. Dan Hutra. N\u00eb lagje flitej me z\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt, rr\u00ebfeheshin tmerri dhe pafuqia, nd\u00ebrsa rrjetet sociale p\u00ebrmendnin emrat e tyre p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dit\u00eb e m\u00eb pas i fshinin \u2013 si t\u00eb donin ta largonin sa m\u00eb shpejt dhimbjen q\u00eb nuk mund ta p\u00ebrballonin.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, n\u00eb at\u00eb vit, n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb dit\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb grave, n\u00eb nj\u00eb lokal n\u00eb Kam\u00ebz, u organizua nj\u00eb <\/span>fest\u00eb<\/span><\/a><\/span> p\u00ebr grat\u00eb, ku mori pjes\u00eb edhe Erion Veliaj. Por nd\u00ebrsa politika pozonte p\u00ebrpara kamerave, bashkia vet\u00eb zgjodhi t\u00eb heshtte: asnj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb publike, asnj\u00eb fjal\u00eb ngush\u00ebllimi, asnj\u00eb vet\u00ebreflektim institucional. Heshtje. Nj\u00eb heshtje q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as rast\u00ebsi, as munges\u00eb burimesh, por strategji politike e mbijetes\u00ebs institucionale p\u00ebrmes mosllogaritjes. N\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb funksionon mbi normalizimin e dhun\u00ebs strukturore, vrasja e nj\u00eb gruaje nuk duket se po sh\u00ebrben si thirrje p\u00ebr veprim, porse thjesht si nj\u00eb devijim q\u00eb duhet menaxhuar, fshir\u00eb, harruar. Dhe n\u00eb Kam\u00ebz, bashk\u00ebpunimi i heshtur midis politik\u00ebs lokale dhe dhun\u00ebs q\u00eb ndodh n\u00eb \u00e7do lagje \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se alarm: \u00ebsht\u00eb skandal i normalizuar.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

E si\u00e7 thot\u00eb feminisja meksikane Rita Laura Segato (2016), <\/span>\u201ckur shteti hesht p\u00ebrpara dhun\u00ebs ndaj grave, ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht joefektiv, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor i dhun\u00ebs\u201d-<\/span><\/i> si\u00e7 edhe artikulohet kontekstualisht nga <\/span>protesta<\/span><\/a><\/span> e\u00a0 banor\u00eb\/eve n\u00eb qytet n\u00eb m\u00ebngjesin e 8 marsit t\u00eb 2023 n\u00eb Kamz\u00ebn e kapluar nga zija.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Rakip Suli, kryetari i Bashkis\u00eb Kam\u00ebz, ka dal\u00eb me dhjet\u00ebra deklarata p\u00ebr infrastruktur\u00ebn, asfaltin dhe hapjen e rrug\u00ebve, por nuk thot\u00eb asnj\u00eb fjal\u00eb publike p\u00ebr vrasjen e grave n\u00eb qytetin q\u00eb ai drejton. Kur pushteti lokal zgjedh t\u00eb mos flas\u00eb p\u00ebr vrasjet, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb rendi q\u00eb e sheh jet\u00ebn e grave si t\u00eb negociueshme, t\u00eb panevojshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim, dhe t\u00eb padinjitetshme p\u00ebr t\u2019u politizuar. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb politologet feministe e quajn\u00eb \u201ckontrata seksuale e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb\u201d, ku grat\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfshihen si subjekte t\u00eb plotfuqishme n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen sociale dhe p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, dhuna ndaj tyre nuk b\u00ebhet emergjenc\u00eb politike, por reduktohet n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje private, nj\u00eb ndodhi \u201ce trisht\u00eb\u201d, por jo e mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar ndryshim sistemik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, heshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb e lart\u00eb e dhun\u00ebs s\u00eb pranuar.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00ebse tri vrasje serike nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje nj\u00eb bashki, at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndalojm\u00eb s\u00eb pyeturi \u00e7far\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb grat\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar ndihm\u00eb dhe t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb t\u00eb pyesim, \u00e7far\u00eb nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb pushteti? Ku jan\u00eb fondet p\u00ebr qendrat emergjente t\u00eb grave; reagimet zyrtare; planet urgjente p\u00ebr edukim, nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsim, parandalim, pun\u00ebsim? Ku \u00ebsht\u00eb politika e p\u00ebrgjegjshme? Sepse nj\u00eb qytet q\u00eb nuk ka mbamendje p\u00ebr grat\u00eb e tij t\u00eb vrara, mbart kanosjen e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritjes ciklike t\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs dhun\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebrfund p\u00ebrgjigjjes nga Drejtoria e Ndihm\u00ebs Ekonomike dhe \u00c7\u00ebshtjeve Sociale, shquajm\u00eb numra: 104 raste n\u00eb vitin 2022, 82 n\u00eb vitin 2023, 21 raste p\u00ebr tremujorin e par\u00eb t\u00eb 2024-\u00ebs. Por k\u00ebto shifra nuk na tregojn\u00eb asgj\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 vetes. A jan\u00eb k\u00ebto raste t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllura? A jan\u00eb grat\u00eb ende t\u00eb sigurta? A kan\u00eb pun\u00eb? A jan\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e tyre t\u00eb mbrojtur? Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb cil\u00ebsia e mb\u00ebshtetjes?<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar n\u00ebse k\u00ebto shifra mbartin jet\u00eb \u2014 gra, histori, trauma, mbijetes\u00eb \u2014 duhet t\u00eb ndalemi p\u00ebrtej tabelave t\u00eb raportimit. N\u00eb kontakt me <\/span>Qendr\u00ebn Komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Trajtimit t\u00eb Viktimave t\u00eb Dhun\u00ebs n\u00eb Familje<\/span><\/a>\u00a0 (<\/span>QKTVDHF<\/span><\/a><\/span>), ku p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese nga Zyra Kund\u00ebr Dhun\u00ebs me Baz\u00eb Gjinore n\u00eb territorin e Kamz\u00ebs, deklarojn\u00eb se n\u00eb vitin 2024 jan\u00eb depozituar 54 raste, nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr vitin 2025 jan\u00eb trajtuar 9. Por \u00e7far\u00eb thon\u00eb realisht k\u00ebto numra? Asgj\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 vetes. Pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb hapur nj\u00eb dialog m\u00eb t\u00eb thelluar rreth qasjes s\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj zyre, ndjeshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe gatishm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr vet\u00ebkritik\u00eb institucionale, p\u00ebrgjigjja mbetet e ftoht\u00eb dhe e ngurt\u00eb: <\/span>\u201ce b\u00ebjm\u00eb pun\u00ebn ton\u00eb shum\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe u japim sh\u00ebrbimin e nevojsh\u00ebm; madje kapacitetet tona e tejkalojn\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn e banor\u00ebve.\u201d<\/span><\/i> Nj\u00eb fraz\u00eb q\u00eb ting\u00ebllon si triumf, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb grat\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb vriten.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vazhd\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb mos pyesnim edhe:\u00a0 A si i tronditi institucionet vrasja e trefisht\u00eb e grave n\u00eb vitin 2023? A pati reflektim, mobilizim, shtim t\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebris\u00eb apo t\u00eb rasteve t\u00eb raportuara si pasoj\u00eb e asaj vrasjeje? P\u00ebrgjigjja q\u00eb jepet \u00ebsht\u00eb e qet\u00eb dhe gati cinike n\u00eb indiferenc\u00ebn e saj: <\/span>\u201cN\u00eb fakt jo, numri ka qen\u00eb konstant.\u201d<\/span><\/i> Sikur “konstantja” t\u00eb ishte ngush\u00ebllim. Sikur dhuna t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb prurje e q\u00ebndrueshme, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb matet me grafik\u00eb vjetor\u00eb dhe t\u00eb konsiderohet e p\u00ebrballueshme p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb nuk tejkalon kapacitetin e zyr\u00ebs.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

K\u00ebtu nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb vet\u00ebm me munges\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsie t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb me gjuh\u00eb mohimi, veshur me petkun e administrimit. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhje e nj\u00eb heshtjeje t\u00eb artikuluar, q\u00eb synon t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb qet\u00ebsi, por n\u00eb thelb z\u00eb vendin e alarmit. Pra, ky lloj dokumentimi vjen si nj\u00eb form\u00eb elegante e mohimit: p\u00ebr t\u00eb komunikuar se gjith\u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb vend, pa qen\u00eb n\u00eb fakt gj\u00eb. Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb dhune. Dhun\u00eb me tone t\u00eb ul\u00ebta, por me efekt t\u00eb thell\u00eb: sepse n\u00ebse grat\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb kujdes t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi nevojat, p\u00ebrvojat dhe k\u00ebrkesat e tyre reale, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00e7do \u201csh\u00ebrbim\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr boshll\u00ebk i paketuar si ndihm\u00eb. Dhe ky boshll\u00ebk \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhet ta \u00e7ajm\u00eb e rind\u00ebrtojm\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Kujdesi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dhurat\u00eb \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb borxh i shtetit ndaj trupave q\u00eb i ka shp\u00ebrfillur sistematikisht<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Pas kaq shum\u00eb dhimbjeje t\u00eb pap\u00ebrmendur dhe jet\u00ebve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrprera me heshtje zyrtare, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se nuk jemi p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb \u201cpo p\u00ebrpiqet, por s\u2019ka mund\u00ebsi\u201d. Jemi p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb pushteti q\u00eb ka zgjedhur t\u00eb mos e b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb betej\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebn. E n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb zgjedhje q\u00ebndron thelbi i dhun\u00ebs politike ndaj grave t\u00eb Kamz\u00ebs: injorimi i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm i domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar. Sepse dhuna nuk ndodh n\u00eb vakum \u2013 ajo rritet dhe p\u00ebrhapet n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis ku mungojn\u00eb mekanizmat p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebgjuar, mbrojtur dhe fuqizuar grat\u00eb. Dhe kur institucionet lokale e qendrore nuk nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb politika t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb kujdesit, at\u00ebher\u00eb ato jan\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr infrastruktur\u00ebn e munguar, por p\u00ebr jet\u00ebt e humbura.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

A mund t\u00eb quhet kujdes fakti q\u00eb nj\u00eb grua e dhunuar duhet t\u00eb nxitoj\u00eb nga komisariati, tek OJF-ja, tek gjykata, p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb urdh\u00ebr mbrojtjeje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mos respektohet kurr\u00eb? A \u00ebsht\u00eb kujdes pagesa prej 9900 lek\u00ebsh q\u00eb mbijeton p\u00ebr pak muaj sa t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb urdhri, kur vet\u00eb jeta e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje? Jo, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb industria e qet\u00ebsimit institucional, e nd\u00ebrtuar mbi nj\u00eb formul\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme: thuaj q\u00eb ekziston nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm, dhe m\u00eb pas le t\u00eb gllab\u00ebroj\u00eb koha gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb nuk arriti ta shp\u00ebtoj\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra sesi administratat \u2013 qofshin ato n\u00ebn drejtimin e Rakip Sulit apo n\u00eb orbit\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs qendrore t\u00eb Taulant Ball\u00ebs \u2013 i zgjidhin problemet pa i zgjidhur. Duke e zbrazur kujdesin nga kuptimi dhe duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb dhun\u00ebn di\u00e7ka \u201ct\u00eb p\u00ebrballueshme\u201d, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb nuk ndodh brenda zyrave t\u00eb tyre. Retorika e \u201cluft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr dhun\u00ebs\u201d q\u00eb artikuluar nga ish-Ministri i Brendsh\u00ebm Taulant Balla, p\u00ebrmes gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb<\/span> rendit <\/span><\/a><\/span>dhe represionit, nuk p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtim t\u00eb mekanizmave t\u00eb kujdesit, por n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr form\u00eb t\u00eb kontrollit institucional, ku grat\u00eb b\u00ebhen objekt i nd\u00ebrhyrjes policore, jo subjekte t\u00eb politik\u00ebs sociale. Kjo qasje \u201ce fort\u00eb\u201d, e mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb arrestime simbolike apo fushata p\u00ebr mbik\u00ebqyrje, krijon iluzionin e veprimit, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e dhun\u00ebs \u2013 pabarazia ekonomike, mungesa e strehimit, e kujdesit afatgjat\u00eb \u2013 mbeten t\u00eb paprekura. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr grat\u00eb, por performanc\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtetin.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Prandaj, ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb ve\u00e7 nj\u00eb debat p\u00ebr ndihm\u00ebn ekonomike, p\u00ebr numrin e psikolog\u00ebve, p\u00ebr referimet apo p\u00ebr VKM-t\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden si mantra n\u00eb \u00e7do dokument. Ky duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb diskutim p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie po nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb, dhe kush e ka t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb me dinjitet n\u00eb t\u00eb.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

N\u00ebse grat\u00eb e Kamz\u00ebs nuk p\u00ebrfshihen n\u00eb vendimmarrje, n\u00eb planifikim urban, n\u00eb buxhete, n\u00eb projektimin e politikave t\u00eb kujdesit, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00e7do \u201cndihm\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr form\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrjeje pa drejt\u00ebsi. Kujdesi, n\u00eb nj\u00eb rend shoq\u00ebror t\u00eb dhunsh\u00ebm, duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet mjet politik p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim dhe transformim, si\u00e7 na informon Joan Tronto, e cila e sheh kujdesin jo si di\u00e7ka private, por si struktur\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb vet\u00eb zemr\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb menaxhohet, kujdesi duhet t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahet, t\u00eb ndiqet nga praktika t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta dhe t\u00eb zhvendos\u00eb qendrat e pushtetit sa m\u00eb pran\u00eb realiteteve periferike.<\/span><\/p>

Varf\u00ebria si dhun\u00eb: mungesa e kujdesit ekonomik si form\u00eb kontrolli<\/b><\/span><\/p>

Referimi nga nj\u00eb institucion n\u00eb tjetrin, marr\u00ebveshjet nd\u00ebr-institucionale, asistenca n\u00eb forma t\u00eb fragmentuara e t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme, dhe d\u00ebmshp\u00ebrblimet simbolike \u2013 jan\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb pamjaftueshme, por edhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara mbi nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb cek\u00ebt t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs si akt individual, dhe jo si shprehje e nj\u00eb strukture m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb sociale, ekonomike dhe politike q\u00eb riprodhon n\u00ebnshtrimin gjinor. Si\u00e7 e thekson Ahmed (2012), n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si institucionet e p\u00ebrtypin dhun\u00ebn: <\/span>\u201cKur institucionet e adresojn\u00eb dhun\u00ebn vet\u00ebm si p\u00ebrjashtim, ato e ruajn\u00eb form\u00ebn e dhun\u00ebs q\u00eb e prodhon at\u00eb duke i kthyer politikat e kujdesit n\u00eb mjete p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur vetveten, jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar nevojtaret.\u201d<\/span><\/i>\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Kujdesi b\u00ebhet k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb flet\u00eb <\/span>Excel <\/span><\/i>m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nj\u00eb dor\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mban. Pra, n\u00ebse kujdesi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi sociale, n\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirje aktive t\u00eb grave n\u00eb hartimin dhe ndjekjen e politikave q\u00eb i prekin, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr form\u00eb administrimi e shtypjes.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebrjashtimi i grave t\u00eb Kamz\u00ebs nuk ndodh vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nivelin e mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb munguar apo t\u00eb dob\u00ebt p\u00ebrball\u00eb dhun\u00ebs \u2013 ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i rr\u00ebnjosur thell\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si planifikohet qyteti, si nd\u00ebrtohen institucionet, dhe si shp\u00ebrndahet pushteti politik n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bashki. N\u00eb Kam\u00ebz, <\/span>hap\u00ebsirat publike<\/span><\/a><\/span> jan\u00eb t\u00eb rralla, t\u00eb pasigurta dhe t\u00eb pakonceptuara p\u00ebr q\u00ebndrimin, l\u00ebvizjen apo organizimin rekreativ t\u00eb grave dhe vajzave. Grat\u00eb jan\u00eb kryesisht n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur rolet e tyre t\u00eb kujdesit n\u00eb familje, por jo t\u00eb mir\u00ebpritura si aktore politike n\u00eb sheshe, n\u00eb k\u00ebshilla, n\u00eb vendimmarrje.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Ky p\u00ebrjashtim hap\u00ebsinor \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e heshtur dhune, e cila, krijon \u201chap\u00ebsira q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm fizike, por edhe sociale, politike dhe simbolike, q\u00eb p\u00ebrforcojn\u00eb kush ka t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb, t\u00eb flas\u00eb, t\u00eb planifikoj\u00eb\u201d (Massey, 1994).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb infrastrukture kujdesi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi nevojat reale t\u00eb grave, edhe organizimi hap\u00ebsinor i qytetit riprodhon p\u00ebrjashtimin. N\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb proceseve aktuale, grat\u00eb e Kamz\u00ebs nuk jan\u00eb thjesht t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfillura n\u00eb planifikimin urban dhe vendimmarrjen publike \u2014 ato p\u00ebrjashtohen nga format q\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e hap\u00ebsirave jetike si shkollat, qendrat sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore apo parqet. Edhe kur ky p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim formal ekziston, mbetet p\u00ebr t\u2019u pyetur se n\u00eb \u00e7\u2019mas\u00eb e ka kapacitetin t\u00eb sfidoj\u00eb strukturat vendore q\u00eb riprodhojn\u00eb pabarazin\u00eb dhe e trajtojn\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjen si numra ose si p\u00ebrjashtime t\u00eb toleruara n\u00eb margjinat e saj.<\/span><\/p>

Kjo logjik\u00eb jasht\u00ebsuese shfaqet qart\u00eb edhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si grat\u00eb paraqiten n\u00eb diskursin institucional: edhe kur p\u00ebrmenden n\u00eb dokumente si \u201ckategoria e grave t\u00eb dhunuara\u201d, ato p\u00ebrshkruhen p\u00ebrmes statusit t\u00eb tyre si \u201cp\u00ebrfituese\u201d, \u201craste\u201d ose \u201cn\u00eb nevoj\u00eb\u201d, pa u njohur si subjekte politike t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u00eb artikuluar vet\u00eb nevojat dhe t\u00eb drejtat e tyre. Madje, n\u00eb biseda me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb Zyr\u00ebs p\u00ebr Mbrojtjen nga Dhuna me Baz\u00eb Gjinore, u vu re se rastet e grave shpesh referoheshin edhe si \u201chistori suksesi\u201d t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjes institucionale, duke e kthyer p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs dhe mbijetes\u00ebs n\u00eb tregues t\u00eb performanc\u00ebs burokratike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, kujdesi institucional jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje nga lart-posht\u00eb, por sh\u00ebrben edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb nuk i sfidon pabarazit\u00eb ekzistuese, p\u00ebrkundrazi, i administron ato pa ndryshuar asgj\u00eb n\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt strukturore q\u00eb i prodhojn\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebrjashtimi nga nd\u00ebrtimi i qytetit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces linear porse ai thellohet nga statusi social-ekonomik i grave t\u00eb k\u00ebtij qyteti, t\u00eb cilat shpesh jan\u00eb migrante t\u00eb brendshme, pa kapital simbolik dhe pa rrjetet q\u00eb do t\u2019u mund\u00ebsonin pjes\u00ebmarrjen. N\u00eb fazat e hershme t\u00eb formimit t\u00eb Kamz\u00ebs si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb urbane, grat\u00eb kan\u00eb luajtur rol t\u00eb paz\u00ebvend\u00ebsuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb jet\u00ebsimin e qytetit, n\u00eb bashk\u00ebnd\u00ebrtimin e sht\u00ebpive, rrjeteve familjare, mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo pjes\u00ebmarrje spontane nuk u p\u00ebrkthye n\u00eb fuqi politike kur planifikimi urban dhe kontrolli institucional filluan t\u00eb formalizoheshin. Me kalimin e planifikimit n\u00eb duart e pushtetit lokal, logjika zyrtare e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb qytetit u nd\u00ebrtua mbi struktura q\u00eb pak i njoh\u00ebn, e m\u00eb pak i d\u00ebgjuan, p\u00ebrvojat dhe nevojat e grave. Ato nuk u p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb si aktore q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktonin trajtat e zhvillimit urban, por u lan\u00eb n\u00eb margjin\u00eb t\u00eb proceseve formale, duke mbetur shpesh brenda negociatave t\u00eb padukshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb, larg rretheve t\u00eb vendimmarrjes publike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, Kamza dhe jo vet\u00ebm ky qytet, pasqyron at\u00eb q\u00eb Darke (1984) e ka quajtur \u201cqyteti patriarkal, ku arkitektura dhe planifikimi jan\u00eb mjete p\u00ebr t\u00eb riprodhuar rendin gjinor, duke e strukturuar hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra q\u00eb p\u00ebrforcojn\u00eb rolet tradicionale dhe kufizojn\u00eb lirin\u00eb. Kjo logjik\u00eb strukturore shpjegon pse asnj\u00eb “sh\u00ebrbim social” nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i frytsh\u00ebm pa sfiduar rendin hap\u00ebsinor dhe politik q\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb mos i konsideroj\u00eb grat\u00eb si subjekte aktive n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike t\u00eb qytetit.<\/span><\/p>

E vetmja m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta marr\u00eb seriozisht dhun\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb mos e ndajm\u00eb m\u00eb nga rendi politik q\u00eb e ushqen. Nuk mjafton t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr grat\u00eb, as t\u00eb hartojm\u00eb strategji q\u00eb menaxhojn\u00eb pasojat. Nevojitet t\u00eb prekim themelin: m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si prodhohet pushteti, kujt i sh\u00ebrben shteti, dhe pse kujdesi \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb dyt\u00ebsor, gjithmon\u00eb pas dhun\u00ebs. T\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb nuk e riprodhon dhun\u00ebn do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebsh m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si \u00ebsht\u00eb organizuar rendi publik, jo thjesht t\u00eb mbash n\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb version m\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb t\u00eb tij. Ky rend mund t\u00eb lind\u00eb vet\u00ebm kur grat\u00eb \u2013 si qytetare, si pun\u00ebtore, si profesioniste, si krijuese politike \u2013 vendosin agjend\u00ebn, planifikojn\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb rregullat. At\u00ebher\u00eb masa e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e siguris\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb numri i patrullave policore, porse koha, mund\u00ebsit\u00eb dhe insfrastruktura q\u00eb i duhen nj\u00eb njeriu (gruaje) p\u00ebr streh\u00eb, p\u00ebrkujdesje, pag\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe z\u00eb vendimmarr\u00ebs. Sepse nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb bashk\u00ebjeton me dhun\u00ebn, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb palc\u00ebs s\u00eb vet. <\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Ky material \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb nism\u00ebs s\u00eb redaksis\u00eb son\u00eb me titull \u201cRaporte nga Kamza\u201d, brenda projektit \u201cStrengthening Media Freedom, Professionalism and Journalists\u2019 Safety in Albania\u201d q\u00eb zbatohet nga BIRN Albania n\u00eb partneritet me SCiDEV dhe Qendra Faktoje, me mb\u00ebshtetjen financiare t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian. <\/span><\/i>P\u00ebrmbajtja e k\u00ebtij materiali \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e autores. <\/span>P\u00ebrmbajtja e tij nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e BIRN Albania, SCiDEV dhe\/ose Qendra Faktoje, dhe jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht paraqet pik\u00ebpamjet e Bashkimit Europian apo partner\u00ebve t\u00eb sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendur. <\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Referencat<\/b><\/span><\/p>

1. Ahmed, Sara. <\/span>On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life<\/span><\/i>. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

2. Darke, Jane. \u201cThe Manufacture of House and Homes.\u201d In <\/span>Gender, Space and Architecture<\/span><\/i>, edited by Jane Rendell, Barbara Penner, and Iain Borden, 41\u201352. London: Routledge, 1984.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

3. De la Bellacasa, Mar\u00eda Puig. <\/span>Matters of Care: Speculative Ethics in More Than Human Worlds<\/span><\/i>. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

4. Massey, Doreen. <\/span>Space, Place and Gender<\/span><\/i>. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

5. Segato, Rita Laura. <\/span>La guerra contra las mujeres<\/span><\/i>. Madrid: Traficantes de Sue\u00f1os, 2016.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

6. Tronto, Joan C. <\/span>Moral Boundaries: A Political Argument for an Ethic of Care<\/span><\/i>. New York: Routledge, 1993.<\/span><\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kujdesi q\u00eb na mohohet \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb e qet\u00eb e dhun\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb dhuna q\u00eb nuk e p\u00ebrplas der\u00ebn, por e mbyll ngadal\u00eb. Q\u00eb nuk l\u00eb gjurm\u00eb n\u00eb trup, por n\u00eb jet\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb dhuna q\u00eb e ushtron pushtetin n\u00eb heshtje, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet burokracis\u00eb q\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebson nd\u00ebrgjegjen, referimit q\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebson mb\u00ebshtetjen, statistik\u00ebs q\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebson kujdesin. \u00cbsht\u00eb ajo dhun\u00eb q\u00eb e ndien kur i drejtohesh shtetit dhe ai nuk p\u00ebrgjigjet – sepse nuk t\u00eb ka menduar kurr\u00eb si subjekt q\u00eb meriton jet\u00eb t\u00eb jetueshme…<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":28491,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"episode_type":"","audio_file":"","podmotor_file_id":"","podmotor_episode_id":"","cover_image":"","cover_image_id":"","duration":"","filesize":"","filesize_raw":"","date_recorded":"","explicit":"","block":"","ocean_post_layout":"","ocean_both_sidebars_style":"","ocean_both_sidebars_content_width":0,"ocean_both_sidebars_sidebars_width":0,"ocean_sidebar":"0","ocean_second_sidebar":"0","ocean_disable_margins":"enable","ocean_add_body_class":"","ocean_shortcode_before_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_after_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_before_header":"","ocean_shortcode_after_header":"","ocean_has_shortcode":"","ocean_shortcode_after_title":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_bottom":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_bottom":"","ocean_display_top_bar":"default","ocean_display_header":"default","ocean_header_style":"","ocean_center_header_left_menu":"0","ocean_custom_header_template":"0","ocean_custom_logo":0,"ocean_custom_retina_logo":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_height":0,"ocean_header_custom_menu":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_family":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_subset":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_size":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_unit":"px","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_line_height":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_unit":"","ocean_menu_typo_spacing":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_unit":"","ocean_menu_link_color":"","ocean_menu_link_color_hover":"","ocean_menu_link_color_active":"","ocean_menu_link_background":"","ocean_menu_link_hover_background":"","ocean_menu_link_active_background":"","ocean_menu_social_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_links_color":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_color":"","ocean_disable_title":"default","ocean_disable_heading":"default","ocean_post_title":"","ocean_post_subheading":"","ocean_post_title_style":"","ocean_post_title_background_color":"","ocean_post_title_background":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_image_position":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_attachment":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_repeat":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_size":"","ocean_post_title_height":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay":0.5,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay_color":"","ocean_disable_breadcrumbs":"default","ocean_breadcrumbs_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_separator_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_hover_color":"","ocean_display_footer_widgets":"default","ocean_display_footer_bottom":"default","ocean_custom_footer_template":"0","ocean_post_oembed":"","ocean_post_self_hosted_media":"","ocean_post_video_embed":"","ocean_link_format":"","ocean_link_format_target":"self","ocean_quote_format":"","ocean_quote_format_link":"post","ocean_gallery_link_images":"on","ocean_gallery_id":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[4,1018],"tags":[19,42,881,138,1079,1078,1080,1025],"class_list":["post-28483","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kryenyje","category-raportime-te-thelluara","tag-analize","tag-bashkia-kamez","tag-dhuna-gjinore","tag-kamez","tag-kujdesi-qe-mohohet","tag-liri-kuci","tag-politika-sociale","tag-raportime-te-thelluara","entry","has-media"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/28483","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=28483"}],"version-history":[{"count":26,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/28483\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":28529,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/28483\/revisions\/28529"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/28491"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=28483"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=28483"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"ht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