{"id":26677,"date":"2024-11-15T12:40:31","date_gmt":"2024-11-15T11:40:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=26677"},"modified":"2024-11-15T14:34:13","modified_gmt":"2024-11-15T13:34:13","slug":"qafa-dhe-shpata-v","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/qafa-dhe-shpata-v\/","title":{"rendered":"Qafa dhe shpata (V)"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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Foto nga Hammam Fuad, Shtator 2023, Palestin\u00eb <\/figcaption>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/figure>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Qafa dhe shpata (V)<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Rashid Khalidi | Intervistuar nga Tariq Ali | Shqip\u00ebruar nga Genc Shehu\n<\/h1>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Botuar n\u00eb numrin 147 t\u00eb revist\u00ebs New Left Review<\/span><\/a> (Maj\/Qershor 2024)<\/span><\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Mearsheimer dhe Walt u p\u00ebrdhos\u00ebn p\u00ebr librin e tyre mbi lobin izraelit, u quajt\u00ebn antisemit\u00eb dhe t\u00eb tjera.1<\/sup><\/span><\/i> Por \u00e7\u00ebshtja q\u00eb ata parashtruan mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si drejtohet politika e jashtme amerikane n\u00eb at\u00eb nivel duket mjaft e fort\u00eb sot.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Gj\u00ebja interesante \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht gjith\u00eb shpifjeve dhe fyerjeve, <\/span>The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy<\/span><\/i> u b\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb <\/span>bestseller<\/span><\/i> dhe vazhdon t\u00eb shitet shum\u00eb mir\u00eb. Un\u00eb i njoh autor\u00ebt, t\u00eb dy jan\u00eb miq t\u00eb mi; besoj se me luft\u00ebn e fundit ka pasur nj\u00eb rritje t\u00eb shitjeve, nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb e gjysm\u00eb pas botimit t\u00eb tij. Mendoj se ishte nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb. Nuk mendoj se ishte mjaftuesh\u00ebm gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse sepse fliste vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr grupet e lobit n\u00eb Capitol Hill, si dhe p\u00ebr sionist\u00ebt e krishter\u00eb dhe neokon\u00ebt [neo-konservator\u00ebt] dhe p\u00ebr rojtar\u00ebt e lobit q\u00eb monitoronin n\u00eb media dhe akademi, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ekziston nj\u00eb ekosistem i t\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtrir\u00eb n\u00eb elemente t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb sektor\u00ebve ushtarak\u00eb, teknologjik\u00eb dhe biomjek\u00ebsor\u00eb t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb integruar ngusht\u00eb me homolog\u00ebt e tyre izraelit\u00eb. Pjes\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb amerikane jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura me k\u00ebta sektor\u00eb n\u00eb Izrael dhe ato jan\u00eb forca t\u00eb fuqishme n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb amerikane. Ato zot\u00ebrojn\u00eb Kongresin, n\u00eb kuptimin q\u00eb kontributet e tyre i mbajn\u00eb politikan\u00ebt e zgjedhur n\u00eb pushtet \u2013 sidomos n\u00eb Silicon Valley, bioteknologji, financ\u00eb dhe n\u00eb sektorin ushtarak. Nd\u00ebrthurja e kompleksit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb ushtarako-industriale t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb Izraelit \u00ebsht\u00eb gati sa nuk e kupton ku fillon nj\u00ebra e mbaron tjetra, ashtu si edhe nd\u00ebrthurja e rrjeteve t\u00eb mbrojtjes dhe inteligjenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Izraelit me ato n\u00eb Indi, Emiratet dhe disa vende t\u00eb tjera. Nuk mendoj se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shp\u00ebrfaqur plot\u00ebsisht n\u00eb librin <\/span>The Israel Lobby<\/span><\/i>, pjes\u00ebrisht ngase disa nga k\u00ebto zhvillime kan\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb pah pas botimit t\u00eb librit t\u00eb tyre.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

T\u00eb kalojm\u00eb te \u00e7\u00ebshtja e elitave aktuale arabe, t\u00eb cilat vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb rrin\u00eb n\u00eb krye si m\u00eb par\u00eb por edhe m\u00eb sheshit se pas Nakb\u00ebs. Para 7 Tetorit, saudit\u00ebt ishin n\u00eb prag t\u00eb njohjes s\u00eb Izraelit.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Ata ende jan\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Po, ende jan\u00eb. Dhe shtetet e Gjirit mbeten si stacione karburanti t\u00eb imperialist\u00ebve, me sasi t\u00eb st\u00ebrm\u00ebdha parash. Jordania ka qen\u00eb protektorat i ShBA-s\u00eb dhe Izraelit prej shum\u00eb kohe. Masat egjiptiane u mposht\u00ebn brutalisht nga ushtria. Mendoja se mund t\u00eb kishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb protesta n\u00eb bot\u00ebn arabe \u2013 dhe e vetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb do mund t\u00eb ndryshonte humorin atje do t\u00eb ishin kryengritjet masive. Por p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Jemenit, s\u2019ka patur aq. Ka pasur demonstrata pro-Gaz\u00ebs, por deri tani jo n\u00eb shkall\u00ebn e zem\u00ebrimit t\u00eb shfaqur n\u00eb Britani dhe ShBA.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Mendoj se jan\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy gj\u00ebra p\u00ebr t\u2019u th\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebtu. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb se ekziston \u2013 dhe gjithmon\u00eb ka ekzistuar \u2013 nj\u00eb simpati e thell\u00eb p\u00ebr Palestin\u00ebn mes popujve arab\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn arabe, nga Gjiri deri n\u00eb Atlantik. Kjo nuk ka ndryshuar. Ka pasur ndonj\u00eb ulje-ngritje, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zhdukur. Por k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz p\u00ebrballen me \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tjera kritike. N\u00ebse jeton n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shpartalluar \u2013 si Libia, Siria, Iraku, Jemeni, Sudani, Libani \u2013 nga lufta civile ose nd\u00ebrhyrja e fuqive imperialiste dhe klient\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre, ke shqet\u00ebsime t\u00eb tjera. Iraku ende nuk ka energji elektrike 24 or\u00eb, 21 vite pas pushtimit amerikan \u2013 nj\u00eb nga prodhuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb naft\u00ebs n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Palestina \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, por t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme jan\u00eb edhe energjia elektrike e t\u00eb mos vritesh nga regjimi ose nga ndonj\u00eb fraksion ushtarak. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb situata n\u00eb nja gjasht\u00eb shtete arabe: n\u00eb faza t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb luft\u00ebs civile q\u00eb b\u00ebhet luft\u00eb e t\u00ebrthort\u00eb, ku t\u00eb gjitha fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha jan\u00eb t\u00eb mpleksura.<\/span><\/p>

E dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb se, pothuajse pa p\u00ebrjashtim, nga Gjiri deri n\u00eb Atlantik, nuk ke regjime q\u00eb e lejojn\u00eb opinionin publik t\u00eb shprehet. Ka diktatura t\u00eb ashpra, nj\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb centralizuar n\u00eb Algjeri, monarki absolutiste si ato t\u00eb Luigjit XIV, q\u00eb nuk lejojn\u00eb pothuajse asnj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim p\u00ebrve\u00e7 nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsire shum\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl dhe, n\u00ebse e kalon at\u00eb, do t\u00eb torturohesh, do t\u00eb arrestohesh dhe familja jote do t\u00eb vuaj\u00eb. Prandaj keni t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, asnj\u00eb protest\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn arabe nuk ka arritur n\u00eb nivelin e asaj q\u00eb kemi par\u00eb n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr dhe Nju Jork, ose n\u00eb disa pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Jugut Global, n\u00eb Indonezi e Pakistan. Kjo ndodh pjes\u00ebrisht sepse masat arabe jan\u00eb trembur nga goditjet dhe torturat q\u00eb iu nd\u00ebrsyen q\u00eb nga e ashtuquajtura Pranvera Arabe. Ato u rivun\u00eb n\u00eb rend nga klient\u00ebt e Amerik\u00ebs, sidomos nga saudit\u00ebt dhe emirat\u00ebt, me infuzione t\u00eb m\u00ebdha parash dhe mb\u00ebshtetje p\u00ebr masat m\u00eb t\u00eb ashpra t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Nuk mund t\u00eb faj\u00ebsohet plot\u00ebsisht populli q\u00eb nuk ndihet gati t\u00eb ngrej\u00eb kryet m\u00eb lart se nj\u00eb far\u00eb pike p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb disa vende, megjithat\u00eb, situata \u00ebsht\u00eb kritike \u2013 n\u00eb Jordani, p\u00ebr shembull, dhe n\u00eb disa vende t\u00eb tjera, n\u00ebn sip\u00ebrfaqe. Por nuk shoh q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicione demokratike, t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb nevojshme q\u00eb k\u00ebto vende t\u00eb luanin nj\u00eb rol aktiv dhe pozitiv. Sundimtar\u00ebt e tyre jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb thon\u00eb Uashingtoni dhe Tel Avivi sesa p\u00ebr popullin e tyre. Ata nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb aspak pik\u00ebpamjet e popullit t\u00eb tyre. Ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhur me Izraelin me nj\u00eb shum\u00ebsi litar\u00ebsh, t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm e t\u00eb paduksh\u00ebm. Mbrojtjet kund\u00ebr raketave q\u00eb kan\u00eb Emiratet jan\u00eb ofruar nga nj\u00eb deg\u00eb izraelite e Raytheon, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se mbik\u00ebqyrja kund\u00ebr-raketore ndaj Iranit e Izraelit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb Jabal Ali, n\u00eb Abu Dabi, jo n\u00eb Jabal al-Sheikh (Malin Hermon), n\u00eb Lart\u00ebsit\u00eb e pushtuara t\u00eb Golanit. Emiratet varen plot\u00ebsisht nga Izraeli p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e tyre kund\u00ebr sulmeve me raketa. Ka variante t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshjeje n\u00eb Jordani, Egjipt dhe vende t\u00eb tjera arabe. N\u00eb Marok, truprojat mbret\u00ebrore jan\u00eb trajnuar nga Mossadi p\u00ebr pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb ose gjasht\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vitet e fundit, q\u00eb nga koha e mbretit Hassan II. Rrjeti i mbrojtjes i Izraelit \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb i mo\u00e7\u00ebm disa breza n\u00eb rastin e Jordanis\u00eb, Marokut dhe Egjiptit \u2013 dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb i mir\u00ebkonsoliduar n\u00eb disa vende t\u00eb Gjirit dhe n\u00eb nja dy t\u00eb tjera po ashtu.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb fillim sikur pati ca shpres\u00eb se Hezbollahu, me mb\u00ebshtetjen e heshtur ose publike t\u00eb regjimit iranian, ndoshta hapte nj\u00eb front t\u00eb dyt\u00eb dhe leht\u00ebsonte trysnin\u00eb mbi Hamasin. Por kjo nuk ndodhi.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Mendoj se Hamasi e kishte gabim q\u00eb pati k\u00ebt\u00eb pritshm\u00ebri. Ata me siguri prisnin reagime shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme nga palestinez\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb n\u00eb territoret e pushtuara dhe shpresonin q\u00eb Hezbollah, si dhe milicit\u00eb e tjera t\u00eb lidhura me Iranin dhe ndoshta vet\u00eb Irani, do t\u00eb reagonin shum\u00eb m\u00eb vrullsh\u00ebm ndaj kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjes s\u00eb Izraelit p\u00ebr 7 Tetorin. \u00cbsht\u00eb shembull i p\u00ebrkryer se sa pak kuptojn\u00eb nga bota. P\u00ebr gjith\u00eb mpreht\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb aspekte t\u00eb tjera, lider\u00ebt q\u00eb organizuan k\u00ebt\u00eb sulm kan\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb un\u00eb do ta quaja \u201cvizion tunel\u201d. Mendoj se ata me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb besuan q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb kryengritje p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb bot\u00ebs arabe. Nuk kam shum\u00eb prova p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pohim, por ata me siguri u zhg\u00ebnjyen nga reagimi. Dhe p\u00ebrgjigjja e Hezbollahut ka qen\u00eb ajo q\u00eb un\u00eb do ta quaja \u201cperformative\u201d. Ka pasur nj\u00eb efekt dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs mbi Izraelin: ka vrar\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb ushtar\u00eb izraelit\u00eb dhe nj\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb civil\u00eb izraelit\u00eb, sipas burimeve izraelite, dhe ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb evakuimin e gjith\u00eb rajonit t\u00eb kufirit \u2013 dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra jan\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb largohen nga sht\u00ebpit\u00eb e tyre.<\/span><\/p>

Por megjith\u00ebse ende mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthej\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb plot\u00eb, deri tani ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb loj\u00eb nd\u00ebshkimesh t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjella, shum\u00eb e matur dhe e kontrolluar. Kjo vjen n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb kushdo q\u00eb ka sy p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb mund t\u2019u thoshte djemve n\u00ebp\u00ebr tunele, pra q\u00eb Irani nuk investoi n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e kapaciteteve t\u00eb Hezbollahut p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb Hamasit. E b\u00ebri k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb mjet frenimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur Iranin nga Izraeli; kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja e vetme. Ideja q\u00eb Hezbollahu dhe iranian\u00ebt do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdornin \u00e7do arm\u00eb n\u00eb arsenalin e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur Hamasin, n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb q\u00eb ky i fundit e nisi pa paralajm\u00ebruar aleat\u00ebt e tij \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb e pabesueshme q\u00eb dikush mund t\u00eb mendonte se kjo do t\u00eb ndodhte. Irani \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet-komb q\u00eb ka interesa komb\u00ebtare, t\u00eb cilat kufizohen n\u00eb mbrojtjen e regjimit, vet\u00ebmbrojtje dhe <\/span>raison d’\u00e9tat<\/span><\/i>. Mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr islamin, ideologjin\u00eb dhe \u201cboshtin e rezistenc\u00ebs\u201d derisa t\u00eb mos kesh m\u00eb frym\u00eb. Por un\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00eb them: <\/span>raison d’\u00e9tat<\/span><\/i>, mbrojtja e regjimit \u2013 kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb ata kan\u00eb n\u00eb mendje dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn zhvillimin e kapacitetit t\u00eb Hezbollahut. Dhe nuk do ta zbrazin arsenalin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur Hamasin. Nuk kishte fare mund\u00ebsi, asnj\u00eb rrethan\u00eb, q\u00eb ata t\u00eb vepronin k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur Hamasin. N\u00ebse, larg qoft\u00eb, shp\u00ebrthen nj\u00eb luft\u00eb e plot\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb keqllogaritjeje, nj\u00eb aksidenti, ose nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje irracionale nga Netanyahu, jo nga nj\u00eb vendim i Hezbollahut.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Hezbollahu \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb parti libaneze. Ka nj\u00eb sponsor iranian, por \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr faktin se publiku libanez do t\u00eb kthehet kund\u00ebr tij n\u00ebse operacionet e tij kund\u00ebr Izraelit provokojn\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje masive kund\u00ebr Libanit \u2013 e cila nuk do t\u00eb drejtohej vet\u00ebm kund\u00ebr Hezbollahut, por edhe, si n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e vitit 2006, kund\u00ebr infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb Libanit. Izraelit\u00ebt gjithmon\u00eb kan\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuar vendin bart\u00ebs p\u00ebr ta shtr\u00ebnguar q\u00eb ky t\u00eb detyroj\u00eb ndalimin e aktivitetit t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs. Ata bombarduan Jordanin\u00eb, bombarduan Sirin\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u2019i detyruar k\u00ebto regjime t\u00eb ndalonin palestinez\u00ebt. Nuk po p\u00ebrpiqeshin t\u00eb ndalonin vet\u00eb palestinez\u00ebt, por t\u00eb ndalonin cilindo vend arab q\u00eb i priste dhe i mb\u00ebshteste ata. Ata do t\u00eb mund ta b\u00ebnin k\u00ebt\u00eb me Libanin, p\u00ebr ta detyruar t\u00eb ndaloj\u00eb Hezbollahun. Dhe Hezbollahu e di k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe libanez\u00ebt po ashtu. Nuk e kuptoj se si udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e Hamasit nuk e kuptuan k\u00ebt\u00eb. Kjo shp\u00ebrfaq nj\u00eb shk\u00ebputje nga realiteti dhe nj\u00eb orientim t\u00eb \u00e7aluar strategjik, \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese. Q\u00eb nga 7 Tetori ata e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike <\/span>status quo<\/span><\/i>-n e ndenjur n\u00eb Palestin\u00eb dhe jan\u00eb treguar tejet t\u00eb aft\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb luft\u00eb guerile \u2013 me nj\u00eb \u00e7mim t\u00eb pap\u00ebrshkruesh\u00ebm, duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb. Por n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, lufta \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjatim i politik\u00ebs me mjete t\u00eb tjera dhe ata nuk kan\u00eb projektuar nj\u00eb vizion t\u00eb qart\u00eb, strategjik dhe t\u00eb bashkuar politikisht p\u00ebr Palestin\u00ebn ndaj bot\u00ebs. Nuk mendoj se njer\u00ebzit po i thon\u00eb k\u00ebto gj\u00ebra, sado t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira q\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u th\u00ebn\u00eb. Por duhet t\u2019i thon\u00eb. Duhet t\u2019i thon\u00eb.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Jam plot\u00ebsisht dakord me ju. Duke u kthyer tek e ardhmja, cili \u00ebsht\u00eb plani i Izraelit p\u00ebr Gaz\u00ebn? A po p\u00ebrpiqen ata t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr Nakba, pra t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb shiritin, t\u2019ua shesin at\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb tyre dhe t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrojn\u00eb akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb palestinez\u00eb n\u00eb refugjat\u00eb? Kjo duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb situata. Apo do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb dikush e ta ndaloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb? Amerikan\u00ebt me siguri nuk do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyjn\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb e qart\u00eb.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Ndryshe nga momente t\u00eb tjera kritike n\u00eb historin\u00eb e saj, Izraeli nuk ka nj\u00eb elit\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar dhe nuk ka nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje sot. N\u00eb vitin 1948, Ben-Gurion dominonte politik\u00ebn izraelite; madje edhe n\u00eb 1956-n, ai triumfoi mbi Sharett-in dhe b\u00ebri at\u00eb q\u00eb deshi n\u00eb nisjen e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Suezit. Episod pas episodi, qoft\u00eb mir\u00eb a keq, ata t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn e dinin \u00e7far\u00eb donin t\u00eb b\u00ebnin. Kishte nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar dhe kohezive p\u00ebr interesat e Izraelit, madje edhe pas luft\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1967, kur nuk mund t\u00eb vendosnin qart\u00eb \u2014 a duhet t\u2019i mbajm\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb territoret? \u2014 por kishin nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheqje t\u00eb bashkuar. Udh\u00ebheqjet ushtarake dhe politike bashk\u00ebpunonin n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb Izraelit. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb sot. Nuk mendoj se ekziston nj\u00eb vizion i qart\u00eb izraelit p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb. Netanyahu ka shum\u00eb pak ide se \u00e7far\u00eb d\u00ebshiron strategjikisht. Ajo q\u00eb ai d\u00ebshiron personalisht \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vazhdim i luft\u00ebs pa strategji t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfundimin e saj. Kjo i sh\u00ebrben interesit t\u00eb tij t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb politik: t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet, t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb zgjedhje elektorale dhe t\u00eb mos shkoj\u00eb n\u00eb gjyq.<\/span><\/p>

Fraksione t\u00eb tjera brenda qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb tij kan\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb ndryshme. Ngrehina ushtarake dhe e inteligjenc\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kohezive. S\u00eb fundmi, nj\u00eb ish-shef i shtabit doli dhe tha se lufta duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb. Nuk ke pasur kurr\u00eb ish-shefa t\u00eb shtabit q\u00eb ta thon\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb lufte; Aviv Kohavi sapo e tha k\u00ebt\u00eb. Gjeneral\u00eb dhe ish-shefa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs kan\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb gj\u00ebra t\u00eb ngjashme. Elita izraelite \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb \u2013 dhe me arsye t\u00eb mira \u2013 mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e si t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb lufta dhe \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb n\u00eb Gaz\u00eb dit\u00ebn pas, n\u00ebse ajo dit\u00eb vjen ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb. N\u00eb fillim, ishte e qart\u00eb se ata shpresonin se mund t\u00eb mbaronin Nakb\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebbonin nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb madh njer\u00ebzish p\u00ebr n\u00eb Egjipt dhe ndoshta edhe nga Bregu Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr n\u00eb Jordani. Dhe ata d\u00ebrguan \u00e7irakun e tyre, Blinkenin, p\u00ebr t\u2019ua b\u00ebr\u00eb pun\u00ebn e ndyr\u00eb p\u00ebr ta \u2013 shkoi tek egjiptian\u00ebt, jordanez\u00ebt dhe saudit\u00ebt dhe duke iu p\u00ebrgj\u00ebruar, ju lutem, a mund t\u00eb lejoni q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb? Pjes\u00ebmarrja e qeveris\u00eb amerikane n\u00eb nj\u00eb plan izraelit p\u00ebr t\u00eb kryer nj\u00eb pastrim t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm etnik n\u00eb Palestin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga episodet m\u00eb t\u00eb neveritshme n\u00eb historin\u00eb amerikane. Kjo do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb damk\u00eb turpi p\u00ebr Blinken dhe Biden p\u00ebr shum\u00eb koh\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 1948, Uashingtoni nuk e <\/span>donte<\/span><\/i> pastrimin etnik, megjith\u00ebse Trumani e lejoi t\u00eb ndodhte dhe nuk b\u00ebri asgj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur rezolut\u00ebn e Ndarjes s\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ai kishte shtyr\u00eb e shtr\u00ebnguar kaq shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz. Tani \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe dhe shum\u00eb m\u00eb keq. Tani kemi Uashingtonin q\u00eb aktivisht mb\u00ebshtet Izraelin n\u00eb gjenocid dhe p\u00ebrpiqet aktivisht t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb sekserin e pastrimit etnik prej Izraelit t\u00eb nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Por n\u00ebse udh\u00ebheqja izraelite do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb vizion t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb d\u00ebshironte n\u00eb fillim \u2013 shkat\u00ebrrimin e Gaz\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb Nakb\u00ebn \u2013 nuk mendoj se ata kan\u00eb nj\u00eb vizion t\u00eb qart\u00eb tani. Ajo q\u00eb duket se ka gjas\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e okupimit izraelit, nj\u00eb rezultat q\u00eb askush, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe vet\u00eb izraelit\u00ebt, nuk duhet ta d\u00ebshiroj\u00eb. Un\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb doja t\u00eb pushtoja Gaz\u00ebn n\u00ebse do t\u00eb isha n\u00eb vendin e tyre. Okupimi i tyre i fundit, deri n\u00eb vitin 2005, nuk ishte dhe aq i suksessh\u00ebm. Mendo \u00e7far\u00eb u \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb p\u00ebrballojn\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb, nga Hamasi i viteve 2000 dhe grupet e tjera me kapacitete shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla se ato q\u00eb kan\u00eb sot. Nuk mendoj se ka ndonj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb mir\u00eb zgjedhjeje, p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb i sinqert\u00eb, nga perspektiva izraelite. Nuk besoj se ka pasur nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb jem i gabuar, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb mbresa ime nga jasht\u00eb, me aq sa lexoj nga shtypi izraelit. Pavar\u00ebsisht fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre t\u00eb madhe, ata e kan\u00eb vendosur veten n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb pashpres\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb ironi e tmerrshme historike. Pas Luft\u00ebs Gjasht\u00ebditore n\u00eb 1967-n, Isaac Deutscher dha nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb p\u00ebr New Left Review.2<\/sup><\/span><\/i> Ai ishte shk\u00ebputur p\u00ebrfundimisht nga Izraeli dhe i kishte d\u00ebrguar nj\u00eb mesazh Ben-Gurionit, t\u00eb cilin e njihte, duke e paralajm\u00ebruar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb n\u00ebse okupimi nuk p\u00ebrfundonte. Ai i p\u00ebrshkroi izraelit\u00ebt si prusian\u00ebt e Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme \u2013 nj\u00eb varg fitoresh q\u00eb m\u00ebkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb verb\u00ebr n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e tyre ushtarake, arroganc\u00eb shoviniste dhe p\u00ebrbuzje p\u00ebr popujt e tjer\u00eb \u2013 dhe rikujtoi m\u00ebsimin q\u00eb gjerman\u00ebt nxor\u00ebn nga p\u00ebrvoja e tyre: \u201cMan kann sich totseigen!\u201d Njeriu mund ta shpjer\u00eb veten me triumf deri n\u00eb vdekje.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Epo, Ben-Gurioni e m\u00ebsoi k\u00ebt\u00eb. Ai ishte i shqet\u00ebsuar pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1967 se Izraeli do t\u00eb p\u00ebrkundej n\u00eb triumfaliz\u00ebm dhe do t\u00eb d\u00ebshtonte t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzonte mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb ofroi lufta p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr Izraelin dhe sionizmin. Sigurisht, ai kishte t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Gj\u00ebja e trisht\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb nga k\u00ebta udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb se m\u00ebsojn\u00eb tep\u00ebr von\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu kemi Ehud Olmert-in q\u00eb flet p\u00ebr gj\u00ebra q\u00eb kurr\u00eb nuk i p\u00ebrmendi kur ishte Kryeminist\u00ebr, ose Ben-Gurionin q\u00eb thoshte gj\u00ebra n\u00eb pleq\u00ebri q\u00eb kurr\u00eb nuk i tha m\u00eb par\u00eb, ose ish-gjeneral\u00eb izraelit\u00eb apo kryetar\u00eb t\u00eb Mossad-it dhe Shin Bet-it, plot me urt\u00ebsi pasi kan\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb pension. Kam pasur nj\u00eb takim t\u00eb mrekulluesh\u00ebm me Yehoshafat Harkabin, shefin e inteligjenc\u00ebs ushtarake izraelite n\u00eb vitet 1950, i cili shkroi dy libra thelb\u00ebsor\u00eb q\u00eb ishin plan-projekte p\u00ebr demonizimin e O\u00c7P-s\u00eb. Ai nuk ishte vet\u00ebm shefi i inteligjenc\u00ebs ushtarake, ai ishte propagandisti kryesor n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vizion negativ t\u00eb O\u00c7P-s\u00eb. Kur e takova n\u00eb pleq\u00ebri, kishte ndryshuar krejt si njeri dhe kishte shkruar nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb librash q\u00eb kritikonin Izraelin. Kjo ndodh shpesh shum\u00eb von\u00eb me k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb me Jimmy Carter-in. Pse nuk i the k\u00ebto gj\u00ebra kur ishe President?<\/span><\/p>

Pik\u00ebrisht.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Presidenti m\u00eb i mir\u00eb pas largimit nga detyra q\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara. Por dua t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj p\u00ebrgjigjen p\u00ebr pyetjen t\u00ebnde t\u00eb par\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndryshuar dhe \u00e7far\u00eb jo. U rrita n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb, si\u00e7 thash\u00eb, ku narrativa sioniste ishte e vetmja histori n\u00eb qarkullim dhe besohej verb\u00ebrisht nga pothuajse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb rasti sot, si\u00e7 e diskutuam. Ka nj\u00eb debat t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr mbi narrativ\u00ebn sioniste, sidomos brenda komunitetit hebre, me nj\u00eb ndasi interesante brezash. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt e re \u2013 dhe shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/span><\/p>

Ajo q\u00eb nuk ka ndryshuar dhe me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nip\u00ebrit dhe mbesat tona prap\u00eb do t\u2019u duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja e pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb e sunduesve t\u00eb fuqive imperialiste p\u00ebr projektin sionist. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Britania, q\u00eb nga Lufta e Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore e m\u00eb tej dhe Franca e Gjermania pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Kjo, sipas mendimit tim, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00ebnyra problemi m\u00eb i madh. N\u00ebse pranon korniz\u00ebn analitike t\u00eb kolonive dhe dyndjes e ngulitjes s\u00eb vendbanimeve, at\u00ebher\u00eb metropoli \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm sa kolonia e ngritur. Izraeli nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb koloni tipike, aspak; ai \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb projekt komb\u00ebtar, me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmas\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme biblike dhe nj\u00eb streh\u00ebk\u00ebrkues prej persekutimit. Asnj\u00eb koloni tjet\u00ebr e ngritur nuk ka qen\u00eb streh\u00eb prej persekutimit n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkall\u00eb \u2013 puritan\u00ebt dhe disident\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb fetar\u00eb, si kuaker\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn e Veriut, p\u00ebrjetuan sigurisht shtypje, por jo n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn grad\u00eb. Th\u00ebn\u00eb shkurt, ky kombinim karakteristikash \u00ebsht\u00eb unik p\u00ebr projektin izraelit. Por b\u00ebrthama e tij, b\u00ebrthama koloniale, lidhet me nj\u00eb metropol. Dhe elitat n\u00eb at\u00eb metropol, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, kan\u00eb ndryshuar shum\u00eb pak q\u00eb nga koha kur un\u00eb isha f\u00ebmij\u00eb. Brezat e rinj do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb merren nj\u00ebmend me k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb studiuesish dhe arkeolog\u00ebsh izraelit\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Israel Finkelstein-in, kan\u00eb treguar se historit\u00eb heroike t\u00eb Dhiat\u00ebs s\u00eb Vjet\u00ebr \u2013 eksodi, linja mbret\u00ebrore e Librit t\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrve \u2013 ishin m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti nj\u00eb \u201ctradit\u00eb e shpikur\u201d, huazime q\u00eb u nd\u00ebrtuan si nj\u00eb ideologji oborri n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vonshme. Botimet hebraike t\u00eb librave t\u00eb Shlomo Sandit, <\/span><\/i>The Invention of the Jewish People<\/span> dhe <\/span><\/i>The Invention of the Land of Israel<\/span>, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb <\/span><\/i>bestsellera<\/span> n\u00eb Izrael. Por kjo ka pasur nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfillsh\u00ebm mbi kapjen q\u00eb ka ideologjia komb\u00ebtare mbi shumic\u00ebn e popullsis\u00eb.<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Sa i p\u00ebrket nacionalizmit, Gellner, Hobsbawm dhe Benedict Anderson kishin t\u00eb drejt\u00eb: nuk ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi cilat qen\u00eb realitetet historike, ajo q\u00eb ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7ka njer\u00ebzit besojn\u00eb. Finkelstein dhe arkeolog\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb izraelit\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyer kan\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar shum\u00eb nga bazat biblike t\u00eb sionizmit, me shum\u00eb pak efekt politik. Mendoj se duhet ta shquajm\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre miteve biblike, pavar\u00ebsisht nga mungesa e baz\u00ebs historike dhe arkeologjike t\u00eb tyre \u2013 jehona e tyre nd\u00ebr breza, p\u00ebr shekuj me radh\u00eb dhe jo vet\u00ebm midis hebrenjve. Po aq e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb ato kan\u00eb rezonuar edhe midis t\u00eb krishter\u00ebve. Protestant\u00ebt britanik\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr Deklarat\u00ebn e Balfurit, e rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb besimin e tyre n\u00eb k\u00ebto mite. Lord Shaftesbury ishte sionist n\u00eb vitet 1830, para sionist\u00ebve t\u00eb par\u00eb hebrenj, p\u00ebr arsye fetare.<\/span><\/p>

Por barbarizmi izraelit, si\u00e7 po e shohim tani, po fillon t\u00eb g\u00ebrryej\u00eb disa nga k\u00ebto mite, apo jo?<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb njehsim. Sionizmi i krishter\u00eb n\u00eb fjal\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht dukuri protestante; \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak i p\u00ebrhapur midis popullatave katolike. Ai lexim i Bibl\u00ebs \u2013 \u201cmbledhja e Izraelit\u201d si pararend\u00ebs p\u00ebr Ardhjen e Dyt\u00eb dhe Gjykimin e Fundit, Zbulesa e Sh\u00ebn Gjon Hyjnorit \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb lexim protestant. Dhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb prej denominimeve protestante m\u00eb liberale n\u00eb ShBA, ka nj\u00eb kuptim n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr rrezikun e k\u00ebtij leximi dhe p\u00ebr sa i rrem\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me vlerat e krishtera. Shikon nj\u00eb zhvendosje paralele midis hebrenjve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt thon\u00eb se kjo nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb fare me tradit\u00ebn hebraike q\u00eb duam t\u00eb mbajm\u00eb. Ne nuk duam t\u00eb shpartallojm\u00eb njer\u00ebzit si\u00e7 izraelit\u00ebt shkat\u00ebrruan Amalekun. Nuk besojm\u00eb n\u00eb versionin e judaizmit q\u00eb frym\u00ebzon shum\u00eb nga kolon\u00ebt dhe krahun e djatht\u00eb t\u00eb spektrit politik izraelit \u2013 q\u00eb shtrihet nga e djathta ekstreme deri te e majta qendrore, meq\u00eb ra fjala. Ata besojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto gj\u00ebra, p\u00ebr shkat\u00ebrrimin e amalekit\u00ebve si armiq t\u00eb Izraelit. Netanyahu ka p\u00ebrqafuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb cinike k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb shfaros\u00ebse, n\u00eb nj\u00eb lexim fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr fjal\u00eb t\u00eb Librit t\u00eb Salit \u2013 \u201cKujto \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb Amaleku.\u201d Nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb e Knessetit, 64 an\u00ebtar\u00eb, po mb\u00ebshtesin nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb kryesuar nga nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb e ka p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur k\u00ebt\u00eb vazhdimisht. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e komunitetit hebraik n\u00eb ShBA beson.<\/span><\/p>

Tani, n\u00eb mbarim, t\u00eb kthehemi tek universiteti juaj, Columbia.\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Ai nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb universiteti im kur t\u00eb dal n\u00eb pension n\u00eb fund t\u00eb qershorit.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Por ende do t\u00eb jeni i lidhur me t\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre.\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Do t\u00eb jem vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb ish-an\u00ebtar i fakultetit, duke dh\u00ebn\u00eb disa kurse si nj\u00eb jo-an\u00ebtar i fakultetit \u2013 ose si \u201cfakultet i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm\u201d, si\u00e7 kemi filluar t\u2019i quajm\u00eb.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

A mund t\u00eb venitet fare ngjyrimi \u201cterrorist\u201d p\u00ebr titullin akademik t\u00eb Edward Saidit?<\/span><\/em><\/p>

Nuk kam asnj\u00eb ide se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb me t\u00eb. Ka donator\u00eb dhe pasardh\u00ebs t\u00eb donator\u00ebve q\u00eb do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb, mendoj un\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb ende nj\u00eb kated\u00ebr dhe q\u00eb dikush i kualifikuar ta mbaj\u00eb at\u00eb. Nuk ia kam iden\u00eb. Fushata n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara kund\u00ebr Studimeve t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi dhe studimeve p\u00ebr Palestin\u00ebn n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, \u00ebsht\u00eb e dhunshme dhe shtrihet n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb spektrin politik. Dhe tani kemi Departamentin e Policis\u00eb s\u00eb Nju Jorkut q\u00eb i bashkohet politikan\u00ebve pa parime n\u00eb tymnaj\u00ebn e tyre q\u00eb u b\u00ebjn\u00eb jehon\u00eb ankesave t\u00eb turpshme t\u00eb administrator\u00ebve t\u00eb universiteteve, p\u00ebr agjitator\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm dhe nxitje nga an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e fakultetit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe mua. Pra, nuk e di se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb. Kur njer\u00ebzit m\u00eb shtrojn\u00eb k\u00ebto lloj pyetjesh, un\u00eb them se p\u00ebrshkrimi i pun\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb historiani nuk p\u00ebrfshin parashikimin e s\u00eb ardhmes.<\/span><\/p>

Ju ia dedikuat librin tuaj t\u00eb fundit nip\u00ebrve tuaj, gj\u00eb q\u00eb zakonisht b\u00ebjm\u00eb ne t\u00eb moshuarit.\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

[Qeshje]\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Le t\u00eb regjistrohet q\u00eb t\u00eb dy po qeshim me t\u00eb madhe.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Shpreh\u00ebt shpres\u00ebn q\u00eb ata t\u00eb shohin nj\u00eb bot\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshimi m\u00eb i madh midis bot\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn jeni rritur ju dhe bot\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn po rriten ata?\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/span><\/p>

Un\u00eb jam rritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku nuk kishte z\u00eb palestinez \u2013 n\u00eb bot\u00ebn arabe, n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim; fare, nuk ekzistonte. Palestinez\u00ebt nuk ekzistonin. Kat\u00ebr nip\u00ebrit e mi po rriten n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur ka z\u00ebra shum\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr Palestin\u00ebn, anemban\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb element q\u00eb ka ndryshuar p\u00ebr mir\u00eb. Un\u00eb jam rritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku narrativa sioniste ishte krejt\u00ebsisht hegjemone dhe Izraeli p\u00ebrshkruhej me plot goj\u00ebn si \u201cdrit\u00eb p\u00ebr kombet\u201d. Tani nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Sot ai shihet gjer\u00ebsisht dhe me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb si nj\u00eb shtet i pabes\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb veprimeve t\u00eb tij gjenocidale. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb disa nga gj\u00ebrat e pakta t\u00eb mira q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur n\u00eb k\u00ebto koh\u00ebra shum\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqija.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

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\u00a01. <\/span><\/span>John Mearsheimer dhe Stephen Walt, <\/span>The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy<\/span><\/i>, New York 2007; libri zgjeron argumentet e paraqitur n\u00eb \u2018The Israel Lobby\u2019, <\/span>London Review of Books<\/span><\/i>, 23 March 2006.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

2. Isaac Deutscher, \u201cOn the Israeli\u2013Arab War\u201d, NLR I\/44, korrik\u2013gusht 1967, ff. 38\u20139.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tPjesa e par\u00eb<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t\t\t

Qafa dhe shpata (I)<\/b><\/span><\/a><\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tPjesa e dyt\u00eb<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t\t\t

Qafa dhe shpata <\/b>(II)\u00a0<\/b><\/span><\/a><\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tPjesa e tret\u00eb<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t\t\t

Qafa dhe shpata <\/b>(III)\u00a0<\/b><\/span><\/a><\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tPjesa e kat\u00ebrt<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t\t\t

Qafa dhe shpata (IV)<\/b><\/span><\/a><\/p><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/i><\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tIntervista e plot\u00eb<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\t\t\t\t\t

Qafa dhe shpata (E plot\u00eb)<\/span><\/span><\/a><\/h2><\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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P\u00ebrkthyer dhe publikuar te Nyje.al me autorizim paraprak nga New Left Review. P\u00ebr ripublikimin e saj n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn angleze duhet t\u00eb d\u00ebrgohet nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb me shkrim n\u00eb redaksin\u00eb e New Left Review-s, nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb version t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer te New Left Review dhe Nyje.al.<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t
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Imazhi i ballin\u00ebs<\/strong><\/em><\/span>: \u00a0Hammam Fuad<\/a> n\u00eb\u00a0Unsplash<\/a><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Intervista e m\u00ebposhtme p\u00ebrshkruan gjith\u00eb historin\u00eb moderne t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb asaj t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhur me t\u00eb nga fundi i shekullit t\u00eb XIX deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme. Temat prekin lindjen e sionizmit, qeverisjen britanike t\u00eb kolonive dhe trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e saj n\u00eb lindjen e shtetit t\u00eb Izraelit, m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb qeverisjes, implikimet e luft\u00ebrave antikoloniale, dinamikat e brendshme t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes palestineze p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien e saj me l\u00ebvizje n\u00eb vendet e tjera arabe, historin\u00eb e negociatave p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfundimin e konfliktit dhe p\u00ebrpjekjen e Izraelit vitin e fundit \u2013 t\u00eb cil\u00ebsuar nga Gjykata Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb si p\u00ebrpjekje q\u00eb, sipas t\u00eb gjitha gjasave, p\u00ebrb\u00ebn gjenocid ndaj popullit palestinez \u2013 p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin e pengjeve t\u00eb marr\u00eb nga Hamasi pas sulmit t\u00eb 7 Tetorit 2023 dhe p\u00ebr zhdukjen e k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb 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