{"id":26225,"date":"2024-09-28T12:02:41","date_gmt":"2024-09-28T10:02:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=26225"},"modified":"2024-09-28T12:10:38","modified_gmt":"2024-09-28T10:10:38","slug":"shteti-bektashi-ne-boten-e-shtetit-teater-asgje-nuk-besohet-gjithcka-eshte-e-mundur","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/shteti-bektashi-ne-boten-e-shtetit-teater-asgje-nuk-besohet-gjithcka-eshte-e-mundur\/","title":{"rendered":"Shteti Bektashi n\u00eb Bot\u00ebn e Shtetit Teat\u00ebr \u2013 Asgj\u00eb nuk besohet, gjith\u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Hilary Swift | The New York Times<\/figcaption>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/figure>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Shteti Bektashi n\u00eb Bot\u00ebn e Shtetit Teat\u00ebr \u2013\nAsgj\u00eb nuk besohet, gjith\u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur\n<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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28.09.2024 | Nebi Bardhoshi | nyje.al\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

Dy nd\u00ebrdyzime i paraprijn\u00eb ides\u00eb n\u00ebse duhet shkruar m\u00eb p\u00ebr tem\u00ebn e \u201cShtetit t\u00eb Bektashinjve\u201d. E para ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me natyr\u00ebn komike t\u00eb propozimit, nd\u00ebrsa e dyta me faktin se kjo ide prek apo cenon nj\u00eb prej tabuve shoq\u00ebri-krijuese. Edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrsiatje analiza do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00ebn drit\u00ebn e antropologjis\u00eb politike q\u00eb b\u00ebn bashk\u00eb teorin\u00eb e \u2018shtetit teat\u00ebr\u2019, rrengshorit, dhe antropologjis\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb keqes.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Rreng\u00ebshori nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb domosdo komik edhe pse termi ting\u00ebllon k\u00ebshtu dhe anipse n\u00eb mitologji shpesh rrengshori e ka p\u00ebr funksion t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb qeshin sidomos n\u00eb koh\u00eb krizash. Shoq\u00ebria njer\u00ebzore ka njohur vijimisht figura t\u00eb ndryshme mitologjike t\u00eb \u201ctricksterit\u201d, t\u00eb cilat duket se n\u00eb modernitet gjet\u00ebn terren dhe \u201cemigruan\u201d jo pak nga bota e mitologjis\u00eb, legjendave e p\u00ebrrallave n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs. Par\u00eb antropologjikisht, ky emigrim, prej bot\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrrallt\u00eb e po aq imagjinative tek sfera profane e politik\u00ebs, me gjas\u00eb, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb prej shnd\u00ebrrimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ndodhur n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e kultur\u00ebs. Ve\u00e7se p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos negativizuar pa vend, moderniteti aq sa hap shteg p\u00ebr emigrimin e Rrengshorit drejt sfer\u00ebs publike, po aq e p\u00ebrball\u00eb at\u00eb me idealin e s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb mir\u00ebs.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Duke shtuar k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebtim teorik kemi mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb shfaqjen e Rrengshorit n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb bot\u00ebs politike dhe, me gjas\u00eb, shtetin ta shohim her\u00eb si sken\u00eb teatri e her\u00eb si lod\u00ebr n\u00eb duart interpretative t\u00eb Rrengshorit, rrengshor\u00ebve dhe vet\u00eb kultur\u00ebs politike dep\u00ebrtuar tej e tej nga rrengu.\u00a0 N\u00eb epok\u00ebn kur humanitetet e humb\u00ebn autoritetin e dijes, ku dominoi ekspertologjia, jemi b\u00ebr\u00eb banor\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb bote q\u00eb p\u00ebr dik\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmblidhej si epok\u00eb e pas- s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs. Me sh\u00ebnimin e fundit nuk kemi nd\u00ebrmend ta relativizojm\u00eb hallin ton\u00eb, duke th\u00ebn\u00eb se kudo ndodh k\u00ebshtu, por \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb dert politik dhe derti \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb politika e cila i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb vend rrengut si sjellje dhe si normativitet. As dogmatizimi i gjuh\u00ebs duke demonizuar k\u00ebdo me etiketimin si \u201cRr\u00ebngshor\u201d nuk p\u00ebrndjell\u00eb rug\u00ebn kah e mira, e drejta dhe e v\u00ebrteta. As braktisja e nj\u00eb urt\u00ebsie relativizuese sidomos n\u00eb proceset njoh\u00ebse, nuk sjell ndri\u00e7im drejt dijes, por rrezikon dogmatizim dhe mohim. Nuk besoj se nj\u00eb tez\u00eb apo qasja teorike \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb solide n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb toksike, sepse dhe kjo p\u00ebrqasje ve\u00e7se ushqen m\u00eb shum\u00eb makinerin\u00eb e mohit. Th\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebto vim\u00eb te shqet\u00ebsimi kryesor i k\u00ebsaj p\u00ebrsiatjeje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se si t\u00eb p\u00ebrballemi me nj\u00eb qeverim q\u00eb ka kthyer rrengun dhe pakuptim\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb instrument qeverimi. E si do t\u00eb sillemi kur me k\u00ebto instrumente qeverimi preken territore t\u00eb shenjta t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe shtetit?<\/span><\/p>

Edhe pse nuk e ka tag\u00ebr kushtetues, kryeministri ia lejoi vetes t\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb mexhlisin bot\u00ebror, pra n\u00eb OKB, dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me dije p\u00ebr nj\u00eb projekt p\u00ebr krijimin e nj\u00eb Shteti Bektashi. Pak para se t\u00eb ndodhte kjo, nj\u00eb nga mediat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb bot\u00eb, New York Times, e kishte sjell\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb lajm n\u00eb faqe t\u00eb par\u00eb. Pra, skena hap\u00ebse e k\u00ebtij akti shtet\u00ebror teatror s\u2019ka se si t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb glamoroz. Shum\u00ebkush, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn kjo m\u00eb ndodhi mua, q\u00ebndroi ca koh\u00eb n\u00eb heshtje, duke mos e besuar ose duke e par\u00eb si nj\u00eb gjendje \u201cpakuptim\u00ebsie\u201d e, p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, t\u00eb pavler\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur. Gjendja e pakuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje e pazakont\u00eb n\u00eb \u201cShtetin Teat\u00ebr\u201d, por k\u00ebtu fillon diferenca midis \u201cShtetit Teat\u00ebr\u201d dhe vet\u00eb teatrit. Teatri e ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim shtrimin e paradokseve si ftes\u00eb p\u00ebr reflektim dhe kulmon me teatrin e absurdit, ndoshta. Teatri i absurdit, si d\u00ebshmi e nj\u00eb zbulimi t\u00eb vetmis\u00eb, par\u00eb nga ekzistencializmi dominohej nga mungesa e nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi. Ve\u00e7se e gjith\u00eb kjo ishte brenda loj\u00ebs s\u00eb teatrit e q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte t\u00eb zgjonte te njeriu ndjesi t\u00eb tjera p\u00ebr vetmin\u00eb universale dhe q\u00ebllimet dhe kuptimin e\u00a0 jet\u00ebs.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Por, kur shteti merr tiparet e teatrit, analiza e absurdit nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb. As absurdi n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb shtetit, sado q\u00eb \u2018shteti teat\u00ebr\u2019, nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb. Ku q\u00ebndron absurdi dhe pasojat e tij kur shteti kthen loj\u00ebn e absurdit si mjet qeverimi? M\u00eb s\u00eb pari, si mund t\u00eb mendohet q\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet do t\u00eb pjell\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet? P\u00ebrdorim fjal\u00ebn \u201cpjell\u00eb\u201d sepse po b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb me lind nj\u00eb shtet prej t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit trup, por n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen duhet k\u00ebrkuar nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr metafor\u00eb. Shteti lindet n\u00eb lloje t\u00eb tjera formash, por zakonisht prej nj\u00eb lufte a gjendjeje t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, ku nj\u00eb grup etnik apo bashk\u00ebsi tjet\u00ebr sociale bind veten dhe t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt se nuk jetohet m\u00eb n\u00ebn t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn \u00e7ati shtet\u00ebrore me shumic\u00ebn apo shtetin e dikursh\u00ebm. Pastaj duhet nj\u00eb proces njohjeje.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

Anipse njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb kapur ndjesin\u00eb e absurdit, s\u00ebrish kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb lidh\u00ebza kuptimore, pasi k\u00ebt\u00eb loj\u00eb po e b\u00ebn figura kryesore politike dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb po e b\u00ebn nga nj\u00eb zyr\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore e ekzekutivit, shto k\u00ebtu q\u00eb kjo ndodh n\u00eb vit elektoral. E k\u00ebtu absurdi pjell absurdin tjet\u00ebr, juridik e politik. N\u00eb cilin vend t\u00eb bot\u00ebs kreu i ekzekutivit e ka kompetenc\u00eb, e l\u00ebre pastaj t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb iniciativ\u00eb, t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet brenda shtetit t\u00eb vet dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb ta ofroj\u00eb si nj\u00eb dhurat\u00eb p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb ai i quan \u201ct\u00eb moderuar\u201d nga nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje fetare, duke shpallur k\u00ebshtu edhe \u201ct\u00eb pamoderuar\u201d. Vijon absurdi. Duke qen\u00eb se \u201cjan\u00eb t\u00eb moderuar\u201d, at\u00ebher\u00eb ata meritojn\u00eb shtet. Pyetja q\u00eb pjell absurdi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast \u2013 po \u201ct\u00eb pamoderuarit\u201d \u00e7far\u00eb meritojn\u00eb? Nuk po hyjm\u00eb k\u00ebtu se bektashinjt\u00eb kishin arsye historike q\u00eb zgjodh\u00ebn shtetin shqiptar e jo nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb tyre si vendin e Kryegjyshat\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore.\u00a0 P\u00ebr t\u00eb dal\u00eb prej kurtheve t\u00eb absurdit q\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb brenda praktik\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore na ndihmon teza q\u00eb Kryeministri sillet si trickster dhe me k\u00ebt\u00eb propozim po tricksteron. Tricksteri nuk ka shqet\u00ebsim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn dhe, me sa duket, as kuptim\u00ebsin\u00eb.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>

K\u00ebsodore, teza q\u00eb ky skandal ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim \u201czhvendosjen e v\u00ebmendjes\u201d prej skandaleve \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbrojtur prej shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb pakuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb. Sado t\u00eb mos e duash kryeministrin e vendit t\u00ebnd, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb gjindesh n\u00eb nj\u00eb raport ku jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrtallesh e nuk konsiderohesh, por as nuk mund t\u00eb kuptosh m\u00eb p\u00ebrtalljen dhe moskonsiderimin si subjekt politik \u2013 qytetar. Tashm\u00eb shfaqet nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr horizont, ndoshta krejt apolitik, teksa sheh e p\u00ebrjeton se\u00a0 \u201cpakuptim\u00ebsia\u201d mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb instrument q\u00ebndror qeverimi. K\u00ebtu mendoj se duhen n\u00ebnvizuar dy nivele, t\u00eb dyja kushtetuese par\u00eb n\u00eb plan antropologjik. Ideja p\u00ebr nj\u00eb Shtet Bektashi prek dy tabu kushtetuese t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare shqiptare dhe demokratike. Sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnvizuar nga shum\u00eb njoh\u00ebs t\u00eb historis\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs, kjo ide kryeministrore, prek indin komb\u00ebtar, sepse akti m\u00eb i lart\u00eb politik i rilind\u00ebsve ishte mospranimi i nj\u00eb feje si kryesore p\u00ebr shtetin e shqiptar\u00ebve dhe ku shteti duhet t\u00eb q\u00ebndronte i baraslarguar, por edhe nj\u00ebherazi i barasrespektuar ndaj \u00e7do rendi apo urdhri fetar. Ky princip rilindas gradualisht u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb tabu, pra n\u00eb nj\u00eb norm\u00eb dhe institucion themelor, t\u00eb cilin kushdo q\u00eb tentonte ta prekte do t\u00eb ndihej nj\u00ebherazi i padenj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar se mund t\u00eb drejtoj\u00eb vendin. Tabuja e dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb cekja e nj\u00eb parimi t\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn aktuale dhe q\u00eb lidhet kryesisht me sovranitetin dhe pacenueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb territoriale. Pra \u00e7ka ka qen\u00eb tabu dhe vijon t\u00eb mbetet \u00ebsht\u00eb cop\u00ebzimi apo dh\u00ebnia e nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb territorit. Shembujt historik\u00eb dhe bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb ku \u00ebsht\u00eb l\u00ebshuar pjes\u00eb e territorit t\u00eb kombit dhe t\u00eb shtetit dihen dhe, po ashtu, dihet se si e p\u00ebrndjek ky fakt at\u00eb q\u00eb vendosi t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt t\u00eb till\u00eb. Kur hedhim nj\u00eb sy nga dija antropologjike duket sikur Tricksteri p\u00ebrngjan me Shamanin. P\u00ebrshembull, nj\u00eb prej pasojave q\u00eb ndodh kur shkelet nj\u00eb tabu a nj\u00eb vend tabu \u00ebsht\u00eb humbja e t\u00eb folurit. Nj\u00eb prej institucioneve q\u00eb kthen t\u00eb folurin n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb parake ka qen\u00eb shamani. Kjo forc\u00eb kthimgjuhe duket buron nga aft\u00ebsia e shamanit p\u00ebr t\u00eb pajisur njer\u00ebzit me kuptim dhe, p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, edhe e kthen t\u00eb folurin. Nd\u00ebrsa tricksteri duket se e paska aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00eb l\u00ebnit t\u00eb pagoj\u00eb dhe shfaqet si nj\u00eb aktor i pakuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Pa dashur ta ekzagjerojm\u00eb, por as ta neglizhojm\u00eb, pra nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr ta gjetur gjuh\u00ebn e duhur, qeverimi me an\u00eb t\u00eb praktikave t\u00eb\u00a0 pakuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb politike duhet marr\u00eb me n\u00ebnqeshje por seriozisht, jo aq p\u00ebr pasojat q\u00eb sjellin drejtp\u00ebrdrejt propozime si ai p\u00ebr krijimin e Shtetit Bektashi, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr pasojat q\u00eb sjell kjo tipologji e t\u00eb menduarit politik.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Dy nd\u00ebrdyzime i paraprijn\u00eb ides\u00eb n\u00ebse duhet shkruar m\u00eb p\u00ebr tem\u00ebn e \u201cShtetit t\u00eb Bektashinjve\u201d. E para ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me natyr\u00ebn komike t\u00eb propozimit, nd\u00ebrsa e dyta me faktin se kjo ide prek apo cenon nj\u00eb prej tabuve shoq\u00ebri-krijuese. Edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrsiatje analiza do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00ebn drit\u00ebn e antropologjis\u00eb politike q\u00eb b\u00ebn bashk\u00eb teorin\u00eb e \u2018shtetit teat\u00ebr\u2019, rrengshorit, dhe antropologjis\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb 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