{"id":2560,"date":"2020-01-14T13:32:02","date_gmt":"2020-01-14T12:32:02","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nyje.al\/?p=2560"},"modified":"2024-09-04T14:00:46","modified_gmt":"2024-09-04T12:00:46","slug":"paketa-anti-shpifje","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/paketa-anti-shpifje\/","title":{"rendered":"Paketa Anti-Shpifje"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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Kedis Burrja<\/span><\/a> dhe Sindi Toka<\/a> | 14.01.2020 | nyje.al<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>

\"\"<\/a>Nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim p\u00ebr Paket\u00ebn Ligjore, m\u00eb sakt\u00eb Ligjin p\u00ebr ndryshimin e Ligjit t\u00eb Mediave Audiovizive n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebto arsye kryesore:<\/span>
S\u00eb pari p\u00ebr shkak se mungon informimi i nevojsh\u00ebm publik. Q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb procesit ka munguar p\u00ebrfshirja e gjer\u00eb e grupeve liria e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve synohet t\u00eb rregullohet me k\u00ebt\u00eb ligj: qytetar\u00ebt, gazetar\u00ebt, operator\u00ebt e internetit dhe t\u00eb mediave t\u00eb tjera, p\u00ebrdoruesit e mediave online n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, etj..<\/span>
S\u00eb dyti p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndryshimeve thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb \u201c\u00e7asteve t\u00eb fundit\u201d. Jav\u00ebn e fundit para se t\u00eb hynte p\u00ebr votim n\u00eb parlament ligji ka p\u00ebsuar [dy her\u00eb] ndryshime thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktuan fuqin\u00eb dhe fush\u00ebn e zbatimit t\u00eb tij. P\u00ebr k\u00ebto ndryshime nuk u organizua asnj\u00eb d\u00ebgjes\u00eb e rangut t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb interesit t\u00eb prekura n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, edhe pse pati shum\u00eb vler\u00ebsime q\u00eb u fol\u00ebn nga ana e tyre asnj\u00eb nuk u mor parasysh. Gjat\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb hartimit t\u00eb ndryshimeve pati komente dhe q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjella n\u00eb media t\u00eb shum\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve e figurave publike. Nd\u00ebr to u p\u00ebrfshi dhe protesta e organizuar nga gazetar\u00ebt dhe shoq\u00ebria civile p\u00ebrpara Kuvendit dit\u00ebn q\u00eb kaloi ligji. Nj\u00eblloj si me faktor\u00ebt vendor\u00eb, nuk u mor\u00ebn parasysh as vler\u00ebsimet e institucioneve politike (KE), as institucioneve shoq\u00ebrore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (si shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e gazetar\u00ebve ose organizatat joqeveritare p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe mediat).<\/span>
S\u00eb treti, kjo ngjarje nuk mund t\u00eb kuptohet vet\u00ebm nga perspektiva e medias, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlidhur ngusht\u00eb me shum\u00eb faktor\u00eb rrethanor\u00eb (si infrastruktura, ekonomia, shteti, prona, niveli i zhvillimit shoq\u00ebror, etj.) q\u00eb japin efekte zinxhir, n\u00eb distanca t\u00eb ndryshme historike dhe politike.<\/span>
S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, po ndjehet nj\u00eb ngutje e madhe n\u00eb Parlament p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb ligje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe themelore sa \u00ebsht\u00eb pa funksionuar Gjykata Kushtetuese.<\/span><\/p>

Duke pasur parasysh k\u00ebto v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi kryesore, nisur nga t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat q\u00eb kemi, le t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb parashtrim t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb mund t\u00eb dim\u00eb sakaq, me shpres\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb kristalizuar (secili me mendjen ton\u00eb) nj\u00eb ide t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ndodhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb.<\/span>
Disa jav\u00eb para dit\u00ebs s\u00eb miratimit t\u00eb ligjit, q\u00eb ishte t\u00eb m\u00ebrkur\u00ebn e dat\u00ebs 18 dhjetor, nis\u00ebn seancat d\u00ebgjimore p\u00ebr shqyrtimin e projektligjeve t\u00eb pakt\u00ebs anti-shpifje, e cila u pasua rishtas edhe me fushat\u00ebn mediatike p\u00ebr procesin e projekt-ligjit n\u00eb fjal\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fushat\u00eb nuk u prezantuan analiza dhe rezultate konkrete por u b\u00eb interpretim duke u folur indirekt p\u00ebr to me shembuj me fantazi p\u00ebr funksionimin e shtetit n\u00eb kushtet e reja. – Kjo praktik\u00eb p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq p\u00ebrdoret sistematikisht n\u00eb mediat kryesore televizive: n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb shpjegohet vet\u00eb gj\u00ebja dhe synimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb, rimodelohet funksioni i t\u00eb kuptuarit t\u00eb gj\u00ebrave p\u00ebrmes dh\u00ebnies s\u00eb shembujve (tipikisht kurbane, si: goca q\u00eb u d\u00ebnua p\u00ebr p\u00ebrhapje paniku). Rrjedhimisht nuk kuptohet gj\u00eb prej saj, sepse n\u00eb fakt nuk ka gj\u00eb t\u00eb re q\u00eb po paraqitet p\u00ebr t\u2019u kuptuar, por mbeten vet\u00ebm mbresat e mjegulluara nga tmerri i kurbanit. K\u00ebshtu krijohet nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm sipas t\u00eb cilit implikohet nj\u00eb ide e \u201cq\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb sakt\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201ct\u00eb gabuar\u201d ndaj gj\u00ebs\u00eb, pa nj\u00eb ide t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si funksionon ajo. – Si p\u00ebrfundim, p\u00ebrmes fushat\u00ebs mediatike, t\u00eb interpretuar sipas modelit t\u00eb kurbanit, asgj\u00eb nuk u mor vesh p\u00ebr projekt-Ligjin nd\u00ebrsa u rregullua vet\u00ebm m\u00ebnyra se si kuptohet, n\u00ebnkuptohet dhe nuk kuptohet ligji n\u00eb domenin e t\u00eb komunikuarit publik. Fushata e informimit p\u00ebrfundoi t\u00eb ket\u00eb efektin e nj\u00eb propagande mediatike n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb ides\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn as nuk flitet. Le t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb m\u00eb tej me procesin e projektit p\u00ebr Ligjin e Mediave.<\/span><\/p>

Projekt-ligji ka rreth nj\u00eb vit q\u00eb ekziston n\u00eb form\u00eb drafti, me t\u00eb cilin jan\u00eb konsultuar kryesisht rrethet e ngushta institucionale, por ka pasur dhe p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve, avokat\u00ebve, publicist\u00ebve, etj. Mir\u00ebpo fushata e qeveris\u00eb, pararend\u00ebse p\u00ebr miratimin e ligjit, filloi pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb rrethana paniku t\u00eb madh publik q\u00eb ndodh n\u00eb rast katastrofe natyrore (ashtu si ajo e t\u00ebrmetit t\u00eb 26 N\u00ebntorit n\u00eb Durr\u00ebs). Ndodhia n\u00eb fjal\u00eb shtetin e zuri t\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr marrjen e masave paraprake n\u00eb raste t\u00eb zakonshme (largmend\u00ebsh t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme), masa p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat qeveria \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse drejtp\u00ebrdrejt. Masat e nj\u00eb shteti p\u00ebr katastrofat natyrore jan\u00eb paraqitur shkurtimisht e mjaft qart\u00eb n\u00eb artikullin mbi \u201cT\u00ebrmetet<\/a>\u201d.<\/span>
K\u00ebtu v\u00ebrehet nj\u00eb dukuri tjet\u00ebr e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, q\u00eb nuk tregon aq shum\u00eb p\u00ebr ligjin n\u00eb fjal\u00eb apo ligjet e tjera, sesa p\u00ebr mend\u00ebsin\u00eb e funksionimit t\u00eb ligjit dhe institucioneve q\u00eb u sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb pushteteve udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse t\u00eb shtetit ton\u00eb. Ka tre tipare kryesore q\u00eb dalin n\u00eb pah:<\/span><\/p>

  1. Vet\u00eb mend\u00ebsia e funksionit t\u00eb ligjit si \u201cmjeti i ndryshimit t\u00eb rendit ekzistues\u201d.<\/span><\/li><\/ol>

    Me pushtetin e ligjit, e th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe pushtetin e \u201cshumic\u00ebs (mazhoranc\u00ebs) n\u00eb institucionet e pushtetit legjislativ\u201d (Parlamentit), Qeveria jon\u00eb sot arrin t\u00eb fshij\u00eb e krijoj\u00eb institucione nga dita n\u00eb dit\u00eb sipas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb kryesis\u00eb s\u00eb saj. Rregullat e pushtetit tregojn\u00eb se kjo mund\u00ebsohet p\u00ebrmes mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb personave ky\u00e7 n\u00eb institucionet e duhura p\u00ebr pushtet dhe me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Mir\u00ebpo t\u00eb qeverisurit vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes pushtetit ligjor n\u00eb sisteme demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur. Promovimi dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i shtetit t\u00eb fort\u00eb ligjor, por jo i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, e leht\u00ebson shum\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces zaptimi t\u00eb pushtetit qeveris\u00ebs. (Pu)Shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb ai komponent i Shtetit q\u00eb do ta pamund\u00ebsonte centralizimin e pushtetit: sa m\u00eb i dob\u00ebt shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, aq m\u00eb e leht\u00eb qeverisja p\u00ebrmes pushtetit t\u00eb shtetit ligjor.<\/span><\/p>

    1. Reforma: ndryshimi i form\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar problemin<\/span><\/li><\/ol>
      • Shteti i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga institucione t\u00eb rregullueshme me ligj funksionon nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh edhe si nj\u00ebsi ose pjes\u00eb, edhe si kompleksitet institucional n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. N\u00ebse modifikon nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit, ajo ndikon n\u00eb disa pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tij n\u00eb sasi t\u00eb caktuara. N\u00ebse modifikohen shum\u00eb pjes\u00eb, nj\u00eb pas nj\u00eb ose p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00ebsh, efektet rriten me baz\u00eb eksponenciale. Nuk mund t\u00eb ndryshohen t\u00eb gjitha aspektet e nj\u00eb shteti, pa ndryshuar vet\u00eb thelbin e tij si shtet disa her\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi (n\u00eb kompleks). Modifikimet n\u00eb grup\/seri n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri qarkullojn\u00eb me emrin popullor \u201cReforma\u201d. Ndryshime t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kategorie dhe p\u00ebrmasave ndodhin rrall\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, historikisht. P.sh. n\u00ebse kemi me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt Rilindjeje Komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb kushte lirie shoq\u00ebrore (ndryshe nga e kaluara), ajo do t\u00eb kishte nevoj\u00eb jo t\u00eb hartohet e mbyllur n\u00eb zyr\u00ebn e disa ekspert\u00ebve t\u00eb panjohur t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb detyrohet me ligj p\u00ebr masat e gjera, por do t\u00eb kishte nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqej si vizion dhe veprimtari nga komunitetet dhe institucionet m\u00eb t\u00eb kualifikuara shoq\u00ebrore me p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb gjer\u00eb popullore. Edhe n\u00ebse do ishim t\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb zgjidhnim, ai q\u00eb propozon ndryshimin e form\u00ebs s\u00eb problemit sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur zgjidhjen e tij, dallon shum\u00eb nga ai tjetri q\u00eb ndryshimin e form\u00ebs (reform\u00ebn) e p\u00ebrdor si mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur problemet duke i shtyr\u00eb me t\u00eb rejat p\u00ebr m\u00eb von\u00eb – ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Sekreti i hidhur i instrumentit t\u00eb \u201cReform\u00ebs\u201d n\u00eb qeverisje \u00ebsht\u00eb se kur p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet vazhdimisht, mundi e sakrifica q\u00eb shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebr to jan\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madha, p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda.<\/span><\/li><\/ul>
        1. Qasja Strategjike ndaj parimit Kushtetues t\u00eb balanc\u00ebs s\u00eb pushteteve dhe dobia e ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb deleguar nga populli<\/span><\/li><\/ol>

          Ligji n\u00eb fjal\u00eb krijon nj\u00eb thyerje n\u00eb sistemin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb: i jep Qeveris\u00eb imunitet dhe nj\u00eb arm\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme kund\u00ebr liris\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb q\u00eb shtetin e l\u00eb pa mburoj\u00eb n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese dhe institucioneve t\u00eb tjera rregullatore efektivisht t\u00eb pezulluara. Do t\u2019i rikthehemi s\u00ebrish m\u00eb posht\u00eb.<\/span>
          Le t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb kjo introspektiv\u00eb e shkurt\u00ebr leximit m\u00eb t\u00eb thelluar t\u00eb aspekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb procesit p\u00ebr ndryshimin e Ligjit t\u00eb Mediave, t\u00eb cilit po i rikthehemi n\u00eb vijim.<\/span><\/p>

          Q\u00eb nga t\u00ebrmeti i par\u00eb (21 shtator 2019) – t\u00eb cilin Inxhinier\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb vendit e cil\u00ebsuan si \u201cvet\u00ebm nj\u00eb test dhe paralajm\u00ebrim p\u00ebr aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtimeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrballuar t\u00ebrmetet\u201d \u2013 e rreth 24 or\u00eb pas t\u00ebrmetit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrues Qeveria hezitoi t\u00eb shpall\u00eb gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Pas shum\u00eb iniciativave lokale, vendore, komb\u00ebt\u00ebre me shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe vende t\u00eb tjera, si dhe rajonale me shtetet fqinje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar n\u00eb situat\u00eb, Qeveria qe ajo q\u00eb priti deri n\u00eb momentin e fundit q\u00eb t\u00eb njihte gjendjen e emergjenc\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo, n\u00eb situat\u00ebn e re zbuloi disa ve\u00e7ori interesante t\u00eb gjendjes son\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb nuk e kishte pasur rastin t\u2019i haste m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

          Gjendja jon\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb nivel politik vet\u00ebm degjeneroi nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi logaritmike sikurse zakonisht, ashtu si\u00e7 ndodh p\u00ebr krahasim, me t\u00ebrmetet n\u00eb aspektin e magnitud\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim v\u00ebrtet pati d\u00ebme t\u00eb konsiderueshme nga t\u00ebrmeti, por duhet t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb se, p\u00ebr nga magnituda, t\u00ebrmeti qe i kategorive m\u00eb t\u00eb lehta t\u00eb l\u00ebkundjeve t\u00eb rrezikshme. N\u00eb rrafshin ekonomik, gjendja shoq\u00ebrore \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuajse nj\u00eblloj; jo sepse t\u00ebrmeti shkaktoi pak d\u00ebme, – p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dhe n\u00eb jet\u00eb njer\u00ebzish, infrastruktur\u00eb urbane, trash\u00ebgimi kulturore, etj. – por sepse d\u00ebme politike t\u00eb nj\u00eb magnitude t\u00eb ngjashme shkaktohen n\u00eb rrafshin e jav\u00ebve, her\u00eb-her\u00eb dhe dit\u00ebve, nga performanca e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb e instituconeve shtet\u00ebrore dhe jan\u00eb t\u00eb pakrahasueshme me pasojat e t\u00ebrmeteve qoft\u00eb dhe n\u00eb kursin vjetor. N\u00eb rrafshet e tjera shoq\u00ebrore, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 panikut e horrorit publik q\u00eb rriti kaosin ekzistues, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se ndryshoi gj\u00eb p\u00ebr ta [shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb]; s\u2019kishin mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebrpara t\u00ebrmetit, s\u2019pat\u00ebn mund\u00ebsi as pas t\u00ebrmetit. Ajo q\u00eb ndryshoi nga masat e Qeveris\u00eb me shpalljen e gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme qe vet\u00ebm statusi juridik i tyre – gj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn qytetar\u00ebt e din\u00eb nga p\u00ebrvoja q\u00eb nuk pi uj\u00eb – ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht kur drejt\u00ebsia mori goditjen fatale me Reform\u00ebn n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi e cila institucionet ekzistuese t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb (ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht m\u00eb t\u00eb lartat n\u00eb shkall\u00eb vendi) t\u00eb p\u00ebrlyera nga pasiguria dhe korrupsioni, i pezulloi duke z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tyre me organe hibride t\u00eb pasigurta dhe t\u00eb paqendrueshme q\u00eb mund t\u00eb defunksionalizohen shum\u00eb leht\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i qart\u00eb as vizioni, as pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb konkrete nga Reforma vet\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

          E kund\u00ebrta ndodhi me Qeverin\u00eb. Para njohjes zyrtare t\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb re i duhej t\u00eb justifikonte me m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb panum\u00ebrta gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb pjes\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve me shfaqje e skena mediatike bajate prej shum\u00eb koh\u00ebsh. Por pas ndryshimit t\u00eb statusit iu dha mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr hequr nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia pesh\u00ebn e justifikimeve p\u00ebr gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn tanim\u00eb e mbante T\u00ebrmeti (q\u00eb mbeti pa u futur n\u00eb burg!), duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrqendruar drejtp\u00ebrdrejt te administrimi i gjendjes n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb reja. Ky qe nj\u00eb ndryshim i madh p\u00ebr t\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

          Pak para t\u00ebrmetit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb (26 N\u00ebntorit), n\u00eb rend t\u00eb dit\u00ebs qe fushata e vepr\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr Ligjore \u201cKap \u00e7\u2019t\u00eb kap\u00ebsh\u201d [nga veprat me status kriminal] p\u00ebr ta quajtur se po b\u00ebhet drejt\u00ebsi. Fushata K\u00c7K i referohet rritjes s\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb organeve ekzekutive t\u00eb Rendit t\u00eb drejtuara nga Qeveria p\u00ebr t\u00eb anashkaluar procedurat e Pushtetit Gjyq\u00ebsor deri n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb t\u00eb gjendet drejt\u00ebsia n\u00eb institucionet ekzistuese e disfunksionale t\u00eb Pushtetit Gjyq\u00ebsor. Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, raporti i zhdrejt\u00eb pushtet ekzekutiv\/pushtet gjyq\u00ebsor i propozuar me projekt-ligj mund\u00ebson t\u00eb trajtoj\u00eb qytetarin si \u201crrezik terrorist, deri n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb t\u00eb gjykohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb i pafajsh\u00ebm\u201d. Nj\u00eblloj edhe fushta \u201cAnti-shpifje\u201d q\u00eb ri-filloi pas t\u00ebrmetit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb. N\u00ebse te ligji i m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr mediat t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vendos gjykata dhe pastaj ekzekutohen vendimet, me ligjin e ri vendimin p\u00ebr shkeljet etike e jep K\u00ebshilli i Ankesave pran\u00eb AMA-s dhe e ekzekuton at\u00eb p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb filloj\u00eb puna e organeve t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Ky aspekt i k\u00ebtij ligji u propozua n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur organet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb pushtetit gjyq\u00ebsor ishin t\u00eb cunguara (si Gjykata e Lart\u00eb dhe Gjukata Kushtetuese, pa interpretimin e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs imuniteti ndaj akteve anti-kushtetuese mungon). Pra duhet kuptuar q\u00eb ky proces i forcimit t\u00eb pushtetit ekzekutiv nga parlamenti shoq\u00ebrohet edhe me dob\u00ebsim t\u00eb pushtetit gjyq\u00ebsor, plaga kryesore e t\u00eb cil\u00ebs ka ardhur dhe q\u00ebndron hapur q\u00eb me Reform\u00ebn n\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsi. Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb aplikohet Ligji i Ri p\u00ebr Mediat q\u00eb u kthye t\u00eb diel\u00ebn (12 janar 2020) p\u00ebr n\u00eb Parlament nga Presidenca me shkelje t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb vonesa i shkakton sistemit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, rrjedhimisht aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb d\u00ebme subjekteve q\u00eb mbrohen prej tij.<\/span><\/p>

          Nga ana tjet\u00ebr ama, mungesa e p\u00ebrgatitjes n\u00eb situat\u00eb katastrofe natyrore p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitjes n\u00eb gjendje normale t\u00eb situat\u00ebs, si dhe v\u00ebnia para p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb e autor\u00ebve p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr shum\u00ebllojshm\u00ebrin\u00eb kaotike t\u00eb standardeve t\u00eb projektimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruar me dekada p\u00ebrpara nga rrethe t\u00eb ndryshme komb\u00ebtare e nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, e zuri ngusht\u00eb Qeverin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr [menaxhimin e situat\u00ebs]. Shum\u00eb prej d\u00ebmeve q\u00eb dol\u00ebn n\u00eb pah t\u00eb evidentuar prej val\u00ebve t\u00eb t\u00ebrmeteve vijn\u00eb nga pap\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit\u00eb, vonesat strategjike dhe abuzimi me pushtetin e funksionar\u00ebve t\u00eb Pushtetit Ekzekutiv (si p.sh. sht\u00ebpi gati t\u00eb rr\u00ebnuara t\u00eb nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb banor\u00ebve t\u00eb shum\u00eb zonave rurale, nd\u00ebrtime n\u00eb zona t\u00eb rrezikshme, nd\u00ebrtime t\u00eb pasigurta p\u00ebr jetes\u00ebn, munges\u00eb kohezioni t\u00eb zhvillimit urban, objekte historike dhe kulturore n\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb braktisura, ng\u00ebr\u00e7e ligjore t\u00eb pafund me pronat, thjesht p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur disa). K\u00ebto u paralajm\u00ebruan dhe evidentuan nga shum\u00eb ekspert\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb fush\u00ebs s\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit – nd\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt edhe zv. Dekani i Fakultetit t\u00eb Inxhinieris\u00eb s\u00eb Nd\u00ebrtimit, z. Agim Seranaj, t\u00eb cilin pas kontributit t\u00eb gjat\u00eb shkencor dhe profesional n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrtimit, n\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitjen e brezave n\u00eb Fakultetin e Inxhinieris\u00eb s\u00eb Nd\u00ebrtimit, si dhe n\u00eb kontributin profesional p\u00ebr inspektimin e shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb d\u00ebmeve t\u00eb t\u00ebrmetit dhe p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsimin e rrezikshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb godinave, e pushuan pa arsyetim nga Dekanati i FIN. Disa dit\u00eb m\u00eb her\u00ebt ai kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb kontributin e tij n\u00eb mbledhjen e shoqat\u00ebs s\u00eb inxhinier\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb grumbulluar idet\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mira dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar mund\u00ebsit\u00eb dhe metodat p\u00ebr masat q\u00eb duhen marr\u00eb p\u00ebr konstatimin e d\u00ebmeve dhe siguris\u00eb n\u00eb godina. N\u00eb mosp\u00ebrfillje t\u00eb tyre, Qeveria ngriti shtabet e emergjenc\u00ebs, p\u00ebrqendroi pun\u00ebn n\u00eb duart e veta, p\u00ebrjashtoi shumic\u00ebn e grupeve nga p\u00ebrfshirja intensive dhe e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb e deriatyshme p\u00ebr menaxhimin e pasojave nga t\u00ebrmeti, ngriti ministri e institucione t\u00eb posa\u00e7me p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbuluar \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e tanim\u00eb vet\u00ebm ata kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb din\u00eb se \u00e7\u2019po b\u00ebhet me problemet tona q\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb hapura (si \u00e7\u2019d\u00ebme pati, sa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ishin, si do menaxhohen, kush ishte dhe do mbahet p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs, etj.). Nd\u00ebrkaq, ende pa u unifikuar dhe p\u00ebrfunduar faza e vler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb d\u00ebmeve dhe shkaqeve t\u00eb tij, vazhdojn\u00eb prishje t\u00eb kontrolluara nga institucionet e shtetit t\u00eb objekteve t\u00eb d\u00ebmtuara, ose riparime strukturore apo sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb private e t\u00eb pamiratuara si\u00e7 do t\u00eb duhej e nevojitej, duke shkat\u00ebrruar k\u00ebshtu d\u00ebshmit\u00eb e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbuluar tipet dhe shkaqet e d\u00ebmeve s\u00eb pari nga profesionist\u00ebt e nd\u00ebrtimit, m\u00eb tej t\u00eb prokuroris\u00eb, gjykatave, etj., me radh\u00eb. Pra ngjash\u00ebm si me fushat\u00ebn p\u00ebr kontrollin civil n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet spiunazhit masiv dhe masave antiterror t\u00eb njohur si paketa K\u00c7K, paketa Anti-Shpifje mori udh\u00eb duke huazuar t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn qasje n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me pushtetin gjyq\u00ebsor. Ky drejtim i ri hap disa shtigje t\u00eb vjetra t\u00eb pushtetit politik. Por k\u00ebto do duhen trajtuar nj\u00eb her\u00eb tjet\u00ebr sepse k\u00ebtu lidhen shum\u00eb vija t\u00eb tjera mendimi q\u00eb mund t\u00eb na nxjerrin jasht\u00eb tem\u00ebs q\u00eb po trajtojm\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

          Brenda periudh\u00ebs nj\u00eb javore t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit p\u00ebr fuqizimin e ligjit n\u00eb Parlament, gjet\u00ebn koh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb shprehen p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsimet e tyre shum\u00eb aktor\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm vendas e t\u00eb huaj. Shumica jan\u00eb shprehur kund\u00ebr dhe ndryshojn\u00eb midis tyre nga ata q\u00eb propozojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb ndryshime t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb interpretimit ligjor t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes e deri tek ata q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta ndaluar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rrezikut t\u00eb lart\u00eb q\u00eb paraqet p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb e shtypit n\u00eb kushtet ekzistuese. Asnj\u00eb prej vler\u00ebsimeve nuk u mor parasysh kur p\u00ebsoi ndryshime dhe shtesa t\u00eb \u201c\u00e7asteve t\u00eb fundit\u201d p\u00ebr riorganizimin nga fillimi t\u00eb termave t\u00eb tij thelb\u00ebsor\u00eb, vet\u00ebm dy dit\u00eb para se ligji t\u00eb kalonte p\u00ebr miratim n\u00eb Parlament. Shum\u00eb shoqata dhe institucione u shpreh\u00ebn p\u00ebrs\u00ebri kund\u00ebr n\u00eb koh\u00eb rekord. Rrethe t\u00eb ndryshme shoq\u00ebrore iu bashkuan shoqatave t\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve n\u00eb protest\u00eb para Parlamentit p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar procesin e hartimit t\u00eb ligjit dhe miratimin e tij. Protesta qe e sukseshme n\u00eb p\u00ebrcjelljen e mesazhit dhe pati mbulim mediatik, por seanca plenare p\u00ebr miratimin e ligjit vijoi deri n\u00eb miratim e tij n\u00eb Parlament (82 vota pro, 13 kund\u00ebr dhe abstenim 5). E k\u00ebshtu kaloi ligji.<\/span>
          Ai u miratua n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb pavolitshme e t\u00eb err\u00ebsuara nga gjendja e katastrof\u00ebs natyrore. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb vit q\u00eb q\u00ebndroi draft nuk mori n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb studime mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse, nuk hapi asnj\u00eb konsultim t\u00eb gjer\u00eb publik dhe nuk mori parasysh vler\u00ebsimet e pal\u00ebve t\u00eb interesuara. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb ishin ndryshimet e dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit para miratimit q\u00eb shtrin\u00eb veprimtarin\u00eb e tij jo vet\u00ebm deri te mediat audiovizive, por edhe n\u00eb fusha t\u00eb medias s\u00eb shkruar, aspekte t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb internetit dhe kanaleve t\u00eb komunikimit publik, etj.<\/span><\/p>

          Hap\u00ebsira e veprimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij ligji bazohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb model tjet\u00ebr nga ekzistuesi t\u00eb raporteve nd\u00ebr-institucionale mes pushteteve t\u00eb shtetit (ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ekzekutiv dhe gjyq\u00ebsor): ku pushteti ekzekutiv n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, duke p\u00ebrfituar nga paaft\u00ebsia e pushteti t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar gjyq\u00ebsor, merr p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr rolin e gjyq\u00ebsorit p\u00ebrsaq\u00eb ky nuk arrin dot t\u00eb shprehet p\u00ebr situat\u00ebn.<\/span>
          Mir\u00ebpo k\u00ebtu nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm procesi, (koha) e hartimit t\u00eb ligjit, q\u00eb ka shkuar keq. Vet\u00eb performanca e mediave ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohet. N\u00eb opinionin publik sh\u00ebtisin dy ide, se \u201cmediat abuzojn\u00eb shum\u00eb me v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e informacionit\u201d dhe se \u201cnj\u00eb ligj q\u00eb ta rregulloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nevojitet\u201d. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb e sakt\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa e dyta l\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar. Ka argumente se n\u00eb portale ka lajme t\u00eb rreme dhe munges\u00eb kontrolli t\u00eb informacionit q\u00eb qarkullon. Kronikat e lajmeve jan\u00eb shpesh shokuese pa paralajm\u00ebrim. Ka pamje t\u00eb pap\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr minoren\u00ebt n\u00eb or\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb dit\u00ebs. Ka programe kulturore ose edukative q\u00eb e shtremb\u00ebrojn\u00eb realitetin, nxisin xhelozin\u00eb dhe urrejtjen, nuk p\u00ebrcjellin mendim, nuk jan\u00eb aspak edukative, kultivojn\u00eb personalitete false p\u00ebrmes personazheve t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm ose jop\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues p\u00ebr komunitetin, e shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjera. Nisur nga d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr t\u00eb rregulluar k\u00ebto aspekte t\u00eb medias, individi arrin edhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin e nxituar se \u201crregullohen me ligj\u201d. Mir\u00ebpo si\u00e7 v\u00ebrehet nga m\u00eb lart, ligji nuk rregullon dhe as nuk synon t\u00eb rregulloj\u00eb ndonj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej k\u00ebtyre.<\/span><\/p>

          Kjo pseudo-paket\u00eb e bazuar te nj\u00eb ligj i st\u00ebrholluar dinamik ndryshimesh synon shmangien e lajmeve \u201ct\u00eb rreme\u201d nga p\u00ebrqendrimi i autoritetit n\u00eb pak nga institucionet ekzistuese t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, duke kufizuar m\u00eb tej lirin\u00eb e mediave dhe duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb si kusht edhe domenin e internetit n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e mediave t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb sakaq i ka n\u00ebn kontroll.<\/span>
          N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, mund t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00ebdo synimi i mir\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb fshihet pas veprimeve\u00a0 t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb dhe Parlamentit, \u00ebsht\u00eb nisur me rendin dhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e gabuara; pra para se t\u00eb kuptohet vet\u00eb gj\u00ebja, \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosur q\u00eb t\u2019i kufizohet liria me ligj, pa kursyer shkeljen e disa prej t\u00eb drejtave dhe parimeve themelore t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb. Interneti \u00ebsht\u00eb e tashmja dhe e ardhmja e komunikimit, ku ne jemi vet\u00ebm n\u00eb fillim. Ende nuk e dim\u00eb se ku do t\u00eb na \u00e7oj\u00eb dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt nuk po lihet vend q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb m\u00ebsohet. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb kufizohet liria ekzistuese e informacionit ajo duhet mbar\u00ebshtuar q\u00eb t\u00eb rritet, shtrihet, p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohet, aksesohet, shfryt\u00ebzohet, ekonomizohet, publikohet e ruhet p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret. Nj\u00eb e pav\u00ebrtet\u00eb minore q\u00eb mban emrin e ekzagjeruar \u201cshpifje\u201d n\u00eb portalet e lira (p\u00ebr dallim nga shpifja n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn politike), nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn kurr\u00eb nj\u00eb arsye, aq m\u00eb pak justifikim, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar disa t\u00eb mira t\u00eb m\u00ebdha publike si liria e shprehjes, liria e mendimit, e drejta e informimit, liria e krijimtaris\u00eb, dhe komunikimi elektronik, p\u00ebr te p\u00ebrmendur disa. P\u00ebrkundrazi, mb\u00ebshtetja e t\u00eb mirave publike nga nj\u00eb shtet i fort\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte m\u00eb shum\u00eb pun\u00eb p\u00ebr rregullimin e “t\u00eb keqes s\u00eb shpifjes\u201d duke mb\u00ebshtetur edukimin p\u00ebrmes etik\u00ebs s\u00eb komunikimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb te madhe t\u00eb rasteve q\u00eb para se t\u00eb ndodhin, k\u00ebsisoj duke rritur ndjesh\u00ebm nivelin e komunikimit publik e rrjedhimisht vendosur nj\u00eb standard t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr diskurset politike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, si ky p\u00ebr censur\u00ebn e mediave.<\/span><\/p>

          \u201cShpifja\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb term q\u00eb nuk rregullohet dot vet\u00ebm me ligj. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e etik\u00ebs s\u00eb komunikimit e cila rregullohet si standard n\u00eb nivel rrethesh shoq\u00ebrore intelektuale, akademike, t\u00eb medias, etj. nd\u00ebrsa menaxhimi i saj b\u00ebhet n\u00eb nivel individual, me edukim ose pun\u00eb nj\u00eb-p\u00ebr-nj\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebhet \u00e7do dit\u00eb. \u200cN\u00ebse Qeveria v\u00ebrtet do t\u00eb punoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb minimizuar t\u00eb keqen e shpifjes, le te investoj\u00eb q\u00eb liria ekzistuese t\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb e mir\u00eb, e jo t\u00eb investoj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kufizoj\u00eb me ligj t\u00eb mirat publike si liria e fjal\u00ebs, liria e t\u00eb menduarit dhe liria e qarkullimit t\u00eb informacionit me pretekstin \u201cp\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar siguri mos-abuzimi\u201d. Asgj\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e sigurt\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Ka ose zhvillim me pun\u00eb e p\u00ebrkushtim ose zhvatje me devijim e dallavere. E vetmja mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar sigurin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pezullimi i liris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr rrezikuan p\u00ebr ndryshimin e fatit t\u00eb cilin bartim. Duhet rrezikuar siguria q\u00eb ofron garancia p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar lirin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gj\u00ebn\u00eb e re, t\u00eb duhur, t\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb nevojshme [me rrezikun e mundsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gabim dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar. K\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja e vazhduar p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar nga gabimet \u00ebsht\u00eb virtyt q\u00eb na udh\u00ebheq p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrparuar. P\u00ebrparimi vjen vet\u00ebm me kushtin e liris\u00eb s\u00eb mendimit dhe trupit, fjal\u00ebs dhe mediave].<\/span><\/p>

          Shpesh nj\u00eb g\u00ebnjesht\u00ebr e bukur \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e p\u00eblqyeshme se nj\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e hidhur. Mir\u00ebpo civilizimi i ka fillesat e tij n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur individi kap\u00ebrceu shoq\u00ebrisht nga udh\u00ebheqja prej parimit t\u00eb k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb (kur ishte thjesht nj\u00eb shtaz\u00eb nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjerat) tek udh\u00ebheqja prej parimit t\u00eb realitetit (kur u dallua si njeri prej kafsh\u00ebs). Ideja n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij ligji; duksh\u00ebm e rrezikshme jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr mediat, por nga m\u00ebnyra si institucionalizohet; k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon edhe p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare (t\u00eb cil\u00ebn hartuesit duhet ta din\u00eb shum\u00eb mir\u00eb) dhe p\u00ebr civilizimin (q\u00eb sa her\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kanoset, nuk po merret parasysh \u2013 marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb tilla si ajo me Serbin\u00eb p\u00ebr Mini-Shengen m\u00eb mir\u00eb se \u00e7do rast tjet\u00ebr ndoshta k\u00ebt\u00eb).<\/span>
          Me p\u00ebrfshirjen e madhe t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe grupeve t\u00eb interesit, jo vet\u00ebm rregullohen problemet konkrete t\u00eb objektit t\u00eb ligjit, por nuk nevojitet as ndryshimi i ligjeve p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Le t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb q\u00eb pas kthimit t\u00eb ligjit nga Presidenti p\u00ebr rishqyrtim, edhe Qeveria t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb problemet q\u00eb shkojn\u00eb keq me ligjin dhe t\u00eb mos e d\u00ebrgoj\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebr miratim n\u00eb Parlament.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

          Kedis Burrja dhe Sindi Toka | 14.01.2020 | nyje.al Nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim p\u00ebr Paket\u00ebn Ligjore, m\u00eb sakt\u00eb Ligjin p\u00ebr ndryshimin e Ligjit t\u00eb Mediave Audiovizive n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebto arsye kryesore:S\u00eb pari p\u00ebr shkak se mungon informimi i nevojsh\u00ebm publik. Q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb procesit ka munguar p\u00ebrfshirja e gjer\u00eb e grupeve liria e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve synohet t\u00eb rregullohet me k\u00ebt\u00eb ligj: qytetar\u00ebt, gazetar\u00ebt, operator\u00ebt e internetit dhe t\u00eb mediave t\u00eb tjera, p\u00ebrdoruesit e mediave online n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, etj..S\u00eb dyti p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndryshimeve thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb \u201c\u00e7asteve t\u00eb fundit\u201d. Jav\u00ebn e fundit para se t\u00eb hynte p\u00ebr votim n\u00eb parlament ligji ka p\u00ebsuar [dy her\u00eb] ndryshime thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktuan fuqin\u00eb dhe fush\u00ebn e zbatimit t\u00eb tij. P\u00ebr k\u00ebto ndryshime nuk u organizua asnj\u00eb d\u00ebgjes\u00eb e rangut t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb interesit t\u00eb prekura n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, edhe pse pati shum\u00eb vler\u00ebsime q\u00eb u fol\u00ebn nga ana e tyre asnj\u00eb nuk u mor parasysh. Gjat\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb hartimit t\u00eb ndryshimeve pati komente dhe q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjella n\u00eb media t\u00eb shum\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve e figurave publike. Nd\u00ebr to u p\u00ebrfshi dhe protesta e organizuar nga gazetar\u00ebt dhe shoq\u00ebria civile p\u00ebrpara Kuvendit dit\u00ebn q\u00eb kaloi ligji. Nj\u00eblloj si me faktor\u00ebt vendor\u00eb, nuk u mor\u00ebn parasysh as vler\u00ebsimet e institucioneve politike (KE), as institucioneve shoq\u00ebrore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (si shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e gazetar\u00ebve ose organizatat joqeveritare p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe mediat).S\u00eb treti, kjo ngjarje nuk mund t\u00eb kuptohet vet\u00ebm nga perspektiva e medias, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlidhur ngusht\u00eb me shum\u00eb faktor\u00eb rrethanor\u00eb (si infrastruktura, ekonomia, shteti, prona, niveli i zhvillimit shoq\u00ebror, etj.) q\u00eb japin efekte zinxhir, n\u00eb distanca t\u00eb ndryshme historike dhe politike.S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, po ndjehet nj\u00eb ngutje e madhe n\u00eb Parlament p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb ligje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe themelore sa \u00ebsht\u00eb pa funksionuar Gjykata Kushtetuese. Duke pasur parasysh k\u00ebto v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi kryesore, nisur nga t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat q\u00eb kemi, le t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb parashtrim t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb mund t\u00eb dim\u00eb sakaq, me shpres\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb kristalizuar (secili me mendjen ton\u00eb) nj\u00eb ide t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ndodhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb.Disa jav\u00eb para dit\u00ebs s\u00eb miratimit t\u00eb ligjit, q\u00eb ishte t\u00eb m\u00ebrkur\u00ebn e dat\u00ebs 18 dhjetor, nis\u00ebn seancat d\u00ebgjimore p\u00ebr shqyrtimin e projektligjeve t\u00eb pakt\u00ebs anti-shpifje, e cila u pasua rishtas edhe me fushat\u00ebn mediatike p\u00ebr procesin e projekt-ligjit n\u00eb fjal\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fushat\u00eb nuk u prezantuan analiza dhe rezultate konkrete por u b\u00eb interpretim duke u folur indirekt p\u00ebr to me shembuj me fantazi p\u00ebr funksionimin e shtetit n\u00eb kushtet e reja. – Kjo praktik\u00eb p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq p\u00ebrdoret sistematikisht n\u00eb mediat kryesore televizive: n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb shpjegohet vet\u00eb gj\u00ebja dhe synimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb, rimodelohet funksioni i t\u00eb kuptuarit t\u00eb gj\u00ebrave p\u00ebrmes dh\u00ebnies s\u00eb shembujve (tipikisht kurbane, si: goca q\u00eb u d\u00ebnua p\u00ebr p\u00ebrhapje paniku). Rrjedhimisht nuk kuptohet gj\u00eb prej saj, sepse n\u00eb fakt nuk ka gj\u00eb t\u00eb re q\u00eb po paraqitet p\u00ebr t\u2019u kuptuar, por mbeten vet\u00ebm mbresat e mjegulluara nga tmerri i kurbanit. K\u00ebshtu krijohet nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm sipas t\u00eb cilit implikohet nj\u00eb ide e \u201cq\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb sakt\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201ct\u00eb gabuar\u201d ndaj gj\u00ebs\u00eb, pa nj\u00eb ide t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si funksionon ajo. – Si p\u00ebrfundim, p\u00ebrmes fushat\u00ebs mediatike, t\u00eb interpretuar sipas modelit t\u00eb kurbanit, asgj\u00eb nuk u mor vesh p\u00ebr projekt-Ligjin nd\u00ebrsa u rregullua vet\u00ebm m\u00ebnyra se si kuptohet, n\u00ebnkuptohet dhe nuk kuptohet ligji n\u00eb domenin e t\u00eb komunikuarit publik. Fushata e informimit p\u00ebrfundoi t\u00eb ket\u00eb efektin e nj\u00eb propagande mediatike n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb ides\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn as nuk flitet. Le t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb m\u00eb tej me procesin e projektit p\u00ebr Ligjin e Mediave. Projekt-ligji ka rreth nj\u00eb vit q\u00eb ekziston n\u00eb form\u00eb drafti, me t\u00eb cilin jan\u00eb konsultuar kryesisht rrethet e ngushta institucionale, por ka pasur dhe p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb gazetar\u00ebve, avokat\u00ebve, publicist\u00ebve, etj. Mir\u00ebpo fushata e qeveris\u00eb, pararend\u00ebse p\u00ebr miratimin e ligjit, filloi pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb rrethana paniku t\u00eb madh publik q\u00eb ndodh n\u00eb rast katastrofe natyrore (ashtu si ajo e t\u00ebrmetit t\u00eb 26 N\u00ebntorit n\u00eb Durr\u00ebs). Ndodhia n\u00eb fjal\u00eb shtetin e zuri t\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr marrjen e masave paraprake n\u00eb raste t\u00eb zakonshme (largmend\u00ebsh t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme), masa p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat qeveria \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse drejtp\u00ebrdrejt. Masat e nj\u00eb shteti p\u00ebr katastrofat natyrore jan\u00eb paraqitur shkurtimisht e mjaft qart\u00eb n\u00eb artikullin mbi \u201cT\u00ebrmetet\u201d.K\u00ebtu v\u00ebrehet nj\u00eb dukuri tjet\u00ebr e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, q\u00eb nuk tregon aq shum\u00eb p\u00ebr ligjin n\u00eb fjal\u00eb apo ligjet e tjera, sesa p\u00ebr mend\u00ebsin\u00eb e funksionimit t\u00eb ligjit dhe institucioneve q\u00eb u sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb pushteteve udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse t\u00eb shtetit ton\u00eb. Ka tre tipare kryesore q\u00eb dalin n\u00eb pah: Vet\u00eb mend\u00ebsia e funksionit t\u00eb ligjit si \u201cmjeti i ndryshimit t\u00eb rendit ekzistues\u201d. Me pushtetin e ligjit, e th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe pushtetin e \u201cshumic\u00ebs (mazhoranc\u00ebs) n\u00eb institucionet e pushtetit legjislativ\u201d (Parlamentit), Qeveria jon\u00eb sot arrin t\u00eb fshij\u00eb e krijoj\u00eb institucione nga dita n\u00eb dit\u00eb sipas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs s\u00eb kryesis\u00eb s\u00eb saj. Rregullat e pushtetit tregojn\u00eb se kjo mund\u00ebsohet p\u00ebrmes mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb personave ky\u00e7 n\u00eb institucionet e duhura p\u00ebr pushtet dhe me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Mir\u00ebpo t\u00eb qeverisurit vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes pushtetit ligjor n\u00eb sisteme demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur. Promovimi dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i shtetit t\u00eb fort\u00eb ligjor, por jo i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, e leht\u00ebson shum\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces zaptimi t\u00eb pushtetit qeveris\u00ebs. (Pu)Shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb ai komponent i Shtetit q\u00eb do ta pamund\u00ebsonte centralizimin e pushtetit: sa m\u00eb i dob\u00ebt shteti i s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, aq m\u00eb e leht\u00eb qeverisja p\u00ebrmes pushtetit t\u00eb shtetit ligjor. Reforma: ndryshimi i form\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar problemin Shteti i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga institucione t\u00eb rregullueshme me ligj funksionon nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh edhe si nj\u00ebsi ose pjes\u00eb, edhe si kompleksitet institucional n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. N\u00ebse modifikon nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit, ajo ndikon n\u00eb disa pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tij n\u00eb sasi t\u00eb caktuara. N\u00ebse modifikohen shum\u00eb pjes\u00eb, nj\u00eb pas nj\u00eb ose p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00ebsh, efektet rriten me baz\u00eb eksponenciale. Nuk mund t\u00eb ndryshohen t\u00eb gjitha aspektet e nj\u00eb shteti, pa ndryshuar vet\u00eb thelbin e tij si shtet disa her\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi (n\u00eb kompleks). Modifikimet n\u00eb grup\/seri n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri qarkullojn\u00eb me emrin popullor \u201cReforma\u201d. Ndryshime t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kategorie dhe p\u00ebrmasave ndodhin rrall\u00eb n\u00eb 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