{"id":23713,"date":"2024-07-27T11:17:18","date_gmt":"2024-07-27T09:17:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=23713"},"modified":"2024-07-29T11:03:52","modified_gmt":"2024-07-29T09:03:52","slug":"shteti-qe-i-druhem-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/shteti-qe-i-druhem-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Shteti q\u00eb i druhem II"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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Shteti q\u00eb i druhem<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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27.07.2024 | Nebi Bardhoshi | nyje.al <\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Tashm\u00eb \u201ctranzicioni\u201d ka marr\u00eb fund, ose do t\u00eb na shoq\u00ebroj\u00eb gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebn n\u00eb forma t\u00eb ndryshme. Na duhet nj\u00eb shteg a disa shtigje kuptim\u00ebsore t\u00eb rendit politik q\u00eb po form\u00ebsohet, ose form\u00ebsuar tashm\u00eb.  Kjo ese shtron disa reflektime p\u00ebr \u2018shtetin teat\u00ebr\u2019 dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien e tij me oligarkin\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

Hyrje e detyrueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur caqe<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Jo rrall\u00eb, idealet dhe ideologjit\u00eb moderne kan\u00eb qen\u00eb artikulime shekullare t\u00eb ideve fetare. Si t\u00eb tilla, brenda tyre kan\u00eb ruajtur dy dimensione: n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb si ideale, mbushur me iden\u00eb e sakrific\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb merituar nj\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00eblbueshme dhe, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, m\u00ebsimi se kjo jet\u00eb, pra kjo jet\u00eb tok\u00ebsore \u00ebsht\u00eb e rrejshme, p\u00ebrkundrejt jet\u00ebs s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb ndodhet n\u00eb bot\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Nd\u00ebr shum\u00eb v\u00ebshtrime mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb, m\u00eb vjen nd\u00ebrmend i fundit nga Ernest Gellner, mbi Fen\u00eb dhe Profanen\u00b9<\/span>. Teksa analizon islamin, marksizmin dhe nacionalizmin n\u00eb koh\u00ebn ton\u00eb, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, pohon se nj\u00eb prej d\u00ebshtimeve t\u00eb marksizmit ishte shkat\u00ebrrimi i kufirit n\u00eb mes profanes dhe s\u00eb shenjt\u00ebs. Gellner nxjerr n\u00eb pah d\u00ebmtimin e profanes si m\u00eb qendrorin element t\u00eb r\u00ebnies s\u00eb marksizmit. Disa dromca t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj shkrirjeje n\u00eb mes profanes dhe s\u00eb shenjt\u00ebs mbart gjith\u00eb mendimi shekullar. K\u00ebsodore, shteti modern jo rrall\u00eb merr tipare t\u00eb \u2018shtetit Zot\u2019, e pak m\u00eb shpesh shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb lod\u00ebr t\u00eb dikujt apo t\u00eb disave.  <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

V\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb gjendet nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se prej tri dekadash, q\u00eb identitet t\u00eb vet merr procesin e kalimit nga nj\u00eb rend politik n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. E, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, kur k\u00ebt\u00eb em\u00ebrtim e merr apriori dhe jo si nj\u00eb v\u00ebzhgim historik. E till\u00eb ka qen\u00eb \u201cperiudha e tranzicionit\u201d, e cila n\u00ebnkuptohej si m\u00eb demokratike se regjimi totalitar. Drojet e praktik\u00ebs sociale n\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj regjimi jan\u00eb shprehur m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb fjal\u00ebn <\/span>\u201cShteti q\u00eb i druhem\u201d<\/a><\/span><\/span><\/em> [2018] mbajtur p\u00ebr inaugurimin e Laboratorit t\u00eb Antropologjis\u00eb Urbane\u00b2. <\/span> Koncepti ky\u00e7 ishte pik\u00ebrisht \u201cdroja\u201d dhe konkretisht droja prej m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si do t\u00eb sillet shteti dhe, n\u00eb fakt, si do t\u00eb ishte e gjith\u00eb ekonomia politike e shtetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb liminale, q\u00eb her\u00eb ushqente t\u00eb jetuarit n\u00eb kriza, e her\u00eb krizat legjitimonin k\u00ebt\u00eb form\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore vendosur n\u00ebp\u00ebr faza kalimtare.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tash e dy vjet m\u00eb duket se faza tranzitore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e n\u00eb diskursin publik. Duket se faza e kalimit \u00ebsht\u00eb mbyllur, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb destinacion. Mua m\u00eb duket se n\u00eb nj\u00eb destinacion \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur apo gradualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb form\u00ebsuar si pjes\u00eb themelore e ekonomis\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb dal\u00eb prej kushtit liminal, por nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb tij, ve\u00e7 asaj q\u00eb do t\u00eb tentohet t\u00eb thuhet se jemi duke jetuar n\u00eb demokraci. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb as ai q\u00eb ndodhet n\u00eb krye t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi t\u00eb paem\u00ebrtuesh\u00ebm, thuajse nuk mund ta thot\u00eb me bindje, por do t\u00eb mjaftohet duke formuluar nj\u00eb <\/span>gjojatez\u00eb <\/span><\/i>\u2013 e dim\u00eb q\u00eb nuk kemi arritur aty ku duhet, por kemi arritur shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga sa mund ta realizonte kushdo tjet\u00ebr! Tjetri \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar i supozuar politik, ose nj\u00eb kusht historik.  Pra, shpiket nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb <\/span>gjojarealiste<\/span><\/i>, p\u00ebr t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb se dikur e kemi tepruar me idealizmin, pasi kaq kishim mund\u00ebsi dhe kjo mund\u00ebsi sociale \u00ebsht\u00eb maksimumi yn\u00eb. Por Fol\u00ebsi kryesor e di q\u00eb kjo tez\u00eb realiste nuk mbush dot as barkun, as zemrat, as mendjet e d\u00ebgjuesve.  D\u00ebgjuesve dhe shikuesve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb loj\u00eb diskursive. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Dy droje do t\u00eb kisha ve\u00e7uar si m\u00eb ndikueset n\u00eb shpikjen e nj\u00eb shteti si <\/span>gjojademokratik<\/span><\/i>. Pra, q\u00eb b\u00ebn loj\u00ebn apo q\u00eb b\u00ebhet loja sikur po nd\u00ebrtohet apo sikur po mund\u00ebsohet t\u00eb shprehet nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri demokratike. E para ka qen\u00eb droja se si n\u00eb loj\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb demokratike do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohen \u201csakrifica\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb ecur p\u00ebrpara. N\u00ebse ju kujtohet ajo p\u00ebrralla me djalin dhe shqiponja [n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb variant korbi a zog tjet\u00ebr], k\u00ebrkon mish nga djali p\u00ebr \u00e7do z\u00eb a <\/span>krrau q\u00eb l\u00ebshon zogu.<\/span><\/i> E, n\u00eb fund, djalit iu desh t\u00eb jepte nga trupi i tij cop\u00ebn e munguar t\u00eb mishit, se ndryshe s\u2019do mb\u00ebrrinte n\u00eb destinacion. Por dija popullore ka shum\u00eb shtresa, ndaj s\u2019mund ta mbyllte nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt me nj\u00eb bosh kaq t\u00eb madh, as me mosmb\u00ebrritjen e as me moskthimin e dhurat\u00ebs. N\u00eb fund shqiponja [a \u00e7do zog bart\u00ebs] ia kthen cop\u00ebn e mishit djalit dhe ia ngjit n\u00eb trup me p\u00ebshtym\u00ebn e tij. Pra, a nd\u00ebrtuam ne nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb ta ngjit gjurm\u00ebn e plag\u00ebs me p\u00ebshtym\u00ebn e tij? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje e pavend dhe shum\u00eb pak \u201cdjem\u201d e \u201cvajza\u201d ndihen t\u00eb sh\u00ebruar nga plag\u00ebt e shtetit q\u00eb u bazua n\u00eb kalim\u00ebsi. K\u00ebt\u00eb kishte parasysh Bjorn Thomassen teksa l\u00ebshoi tez\u00ebn e moderniteteve si liminalitete permanente dhe kritik\u00ebn e tij, q\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb moderne nuk din\u00eb t\u2019i japin fund \u201ckalim\u00ebsis\u00eb\u201d\u00b3<\/span>.  <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tjet\u00ebr droj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo lidhur me procesin final t\u00eb liminalitetit, at\u00eb t\u00eb pranimit. Shqip\u00ebria ka si stacion final t\u00eb arritjes n\u00eb \u201cdemokraci\u201d t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuarit n\u00eb Bashkim Europian. Dihet se k\u00ebto dy procese teorikisht dhe historikisht nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta, por n\u00eb praktik\u00ebn konkrete t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare ato u shkrin\u00eb bashk\u00eb. At\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuam n\u00eb BE do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se nuk arrit\u00ebm n\u00eb demokraci. N\u00ebse nuk arrit\u00ebm n\u00eb demokraci, nuk arrit\u00ebm dot n\u00eb BE. Dikush mund t\u00eb arsyetoj\u00eb se ne qem\u00eb thuajse demokraci, por BE nuk na pranoi. Edhe po ta marrim k\u00ebt\u00eb opsion shohim q\u00eb \u2018pranuesit\u2019, q\u00eb ndodhen n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, e paskan pasur pushtetin t\u00eb thon\u00eb po ose jo. Pra, shkurt, rruga mund t\u00eb zgjatet, ose mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb mur i pakaluesh\u00ebm, ose nj\u00eb humner\u00eb. Rruga p\u00ebr n\u00eb demokraci u shnd\u00ebrroka n\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb pafund, mur, ose humner\u00eb. Versioni i par\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i panjohur p\u00ebr teorin\u00eb, e cila b\u00ebn nj\u00eb dallim t\u00eb qart\u00eb n\u00eb mes praktik\u00ebs dhe sistemit ideal t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Duket se shoq\u00ebria shqiptare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb pafundme t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosjes, por p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb muri dhe nj\u00eb humnere. Muri duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb vendosur, jo prej pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb kulturore, as krejt\u00ebsisht nga krizat e BE-s\u00eb, pra t\u00eb tjetrit konfirmues, por ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me nj\u00eb gjallim politik t\u00eb shtetit n\u00ebp\u00ebr kalim\u00ebsi. <\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo ese b\u00ebn bashk\u00eb k\u00ebto koncepte analitike, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren n\u00eb leximin e p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb son\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e shtetit, ose, m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, rr\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb shtetit, q\u00eb nd\u00ebrthur shtetin teat\u00ebr me regjimin oligarkik. <\/span><\/p>\n

Shteti si Teat\u00ebr, Shteti Teat\u00ebr, Rrengshori<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb teorin\u00eb e antropologjis\u00eb politike ka disa perspektiva mbi lindjen dhe praktik\u00ebn e shtetit. P\u00ebr t\u2019u ve\u00e7uar jan\u00eb tezat se shteti ka lindur p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb luft\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb saj. Ka teori q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin iden\u00eb se shteti ka si q\u00ebllim interesin dhe zhvillimin e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie, e brenda k\u00ebsaj teze disi p\u00ebrthithet ideja e funksionit t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur monopolin e luft\u00ebs me t\u00eb huajt dhe monopolin e dhun\u00ebs s\u00eb ligjshme mbi qytetar\u00ebt. Sovraniteti, dikur hyjnor, zbret n\u00eb duart e shtetit, e ndoshta, po t\u00eb jemi pak <\/span>durkhemian\u00eb<\/span><\/i>, \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht shoq\u00ebria q\u00eb shpaloset te hyjnorja dhe kjo hyjnore udh\u00ebton s\u00ebrish p\u00ebr n\u00eb nj\u00eb stacion tjet\u00ebr drejt shtetit dhe anasjelltas. Do t\u00eb kulmonim <\/span>hegelianisht<\/span><\/i>, po qe se shtetin e shohim si qenien m\u00eb supreme. S\u2019po hyjm\u00eb te teoria e sakrific\u00ebs s\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb dhe shtetit, aq e pranishme n\u00eb diskursin modernist, e m\u00eb gjat\u00eb me nj\u00eb shtrirje thuajse universale. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ka pasur nj\u00eb debat t\u00eb begat\u00eb p\u00ebr ndarjen e formave shtet\u00ebrore sipas hartave t\u00eb civiliteteve. Disa mendojn\u00eb se shteti pati lindur si nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb hidraulike. Pra, rrjedhat e lumenjve, si zanafillore t\u00eb lindjes s\u00eb klasave dhe t\u00eb vet\u00eb shtetit si instrument n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb kamurve. Ndarje tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo sipas gjeografis\u00eb lindje-per\u00ebndim. Lindja u asociua me despotizmin, Per\u00ebndimi me demokracin\u00eb.  Si nj\u00eb qasje tej k\u00ebsaj dikotomie, n\u00eb mes bot\u00ebs despotike dhe asaj demokratike, ka nj\u00eb mori p\u00ebrgjigjesh teorike. Shqip\u00ebria dhe historia e saj ka b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb shtet\u00ebrisht n\u00eb bot\u00ebn perandorake q\u00eb u klasifikua si despotike, qoft\u00eb bot\u00ebs si pjes\u00eb e bot\u00ebs s\u00eb Bizantit, qoft\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e bot\u00ebs Otomane, me nj\u00eb rikthim n\u00eb Bot\u00ebn Socialiste [1944-1991]. Madje, ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb termat \u201cdespot\u201d dhe \u201cdespotiz\u00ebm\u201d u rikthyen apo u krijuan, me kuptimin q\u00eb njohim sot, n\u00eb filozofin\u00eb dhe pamjen per\u00ebndimore mbi lindjen, teksa si referenc\u00eb kryesore ishte bota Otomane4<\/sup><\/span>. K\u00ebt\u00eb qasje e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar jo pak komentues t\u00eb debatit bashk\u00ebkohor. \u00c7ka dua t\u00eb sjell n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb reflektim \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb teori, tashm\u00eb klasike n\u00eb antropologjin\u00eb e shtetit, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e \u2018Shtetit Teat\u00ebr\u2019 propozuar nga Clifford Geertz [1980]5<\/sup><\/span>. Kjo na lidhet me shqet\u00ebsimin ton\u00eb, pra t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhjes s\u00eb shtetit shqiptar bashk\u00ebkohor me \u201cteatrin\u201d, me vet\u00eb zhanrin e teatrit si praktik\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore, por edhe me shqet\u00ebsimin teorik t\u00eb shtruar nga antropologjia politike mbi figur\u00ebn e \u201cTricksterit\u201d, q\u00eb  n\u00eb shqip do ta p\u00ebrkthej Rrengshor.  <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Geertz, teksa zhvillon tez\u00ebn e shtetit teat\u00ebr, nuk ka shqet\u00ebsim shtetin bashk\u00ebkohor apo modern. N\u00eb fokusin e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb pyetja n\u00ebse, ve\u00e7 tez\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit si organizat\u00eb hidraulike apo t\u00eb despotizmit oriental, ka qen\u00eb apo jo v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00eb gjini e shtetit n\u00eb Azi?  P\u00ebr t\u00eb sqaruar k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb, Geertz iu fut shqyrtimit t\u00eb arkivave, fakteve historike dhe arriti n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin se shteti Balinez n\u00eb shekullin XIX ishte kryes\u00ebpari nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb e bazuar n\u00eb spektak\u00ebl. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, vet\u00eb kapadaill\u00ebku dhe pompoziteti nuk ishte n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb pushtetit, por vet\u00eb pushteti ishte n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb performanc\u00ebs, pra t\u00eb kapadaill\u00ebkut. K\u00ebt\u00eb form\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore e quajti \u201cShteti Teat\u00ebr\u201d. P\u00ebr Geertz, shteti Balinez ishte vet\u00eb teatri, dhe teatri n\u00eb Bali ishte vet\u00eb shteti. Kjo aksiom\u00eb s\u2019ka n\u00eb mes nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb metaforike, as ka q\u00ebllim t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb se kjo ekonomi shtet\u00ebrore ishte e duhura apo jo, por se k\u00ebshtu ishte, dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebsia ishte zhvendosja prej akumulimit t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pasuris\u00eb dhe anasjelltas. Tashm\u00eb futet n\u00eb analiz\u00eb prestigji, performanca, estetika dhe afektivja e performanc\u00ebs si ekonomi themelore, jo thjesht pjes\u00eb e \u201cpropagand\u00ebs\u201d, por si ethosi i shtetit.  <\/span><\/p>\n

Teoria e Geertz ka ndeshur n\u00eb kritika, sidomos sa i takon evitimit t\u00eb pesh\u00ebs s\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb dhe luft\u00ebs si pjes\u00eb themelore e ethosit s\u00eb funksionimit t\u00eb shtetit dhe vet\u00eb origjin\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Un\u00eb propozoj rimarrjen e k\u00ebsaj teze teorike, p\u00ebr ta par\u00eb \u201cshtetin teat\u00ebr\u201d si nj\u00eb instrument t\u00eb luajtjes s\u00eb loj\u00ebs q\u00eb ai ka paraqitur n\u00eb ligjin kushtetues, me q\u00ebllim \u201ct\u00eb mbuluarit\u201d e praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar, qoft\u00eb si aft\u00ebsi e shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar monopolin e forc\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb i drejt\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fushatat elektorale si sken\u00eb e shtetit teat\u00ebr<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Shteti bashk\u00ebkohor shqiptar merr tipare, ende m\u00eb t\u00eb theksuara, teatrale gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve. Kjo ndodh p\u00ebr disa arsye. <\/span><\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, zgjedhjet jan\u00eb n\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb fush\u00eb p\u00ebrformativiteti. Pra, ku do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb paraqiteshin suksese, lidership\u00eb legjitim\u00eb, elegant\u00eb e elekuent\u00eb, premtime, opsione, vizione p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen. E gjith\u00eb kjo k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb st\u00ebrholluar simbolesh e loj\u00eb performative me sqim\u00eb. Nganj\u00ebher\u00eb politika bashk\u00ebkohore m\u00eb shum\u00eb luan me mjetet e mod\u00ebs se sa t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Fushata duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb imazhe t\u00eb pashme e mesazhe sa m\u00eb t\u00eb kapshme! Pra zgjedhjet jan\u00eb edhe si nj\u00eb sken\u00eb. Nj\u00eb sken\u00eb ku secili del n\u00eb shfaqje. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb se dilet sa p\u00ebr shfaqje apo shfaqja \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb premtimit, vizionit dhe planeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen. N\u00eb zgjedhjet q\u00eb po hyjm\u00eb, partia q\u00eb ka shumic\u00ebn do t\u2019i shoh\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje si sken\u00eb sa p\u00ebr shfaqje. Nj\u00eb fakt i till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmi e asaj q\u00eb tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb praktik\u00eb n\u00eb mos n\u00eb zakon t\u00eb shtetit shqiptar, ku zgjedhjet jan\u00eb koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u shfaqur n\u00eb sken\u00eb e, p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti q\u00eb s\u2019ka mekanizma p\u00ebr t\u00eb kthyer \u201cpremtimet zgjedhore\u201d n\u00eb kontrat\u00eb sociale. S\u00eb paku, n\u00eb borxh e ndjeshm\u00ebri morale p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjur dikujt p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb u premtua. Por, sikurse e v\u00ebrteton gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebria shtet\u00ebrore, ajo q\u00eb shfaqet nga shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7se shfaqje me tipare teatrale. <\/span><\/p>\n

Pakkush ose askush shqet\u00ebsohet p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb premton apo p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb e ngarkon detyra. R\u00ebnd\u00ebsi ka si e performon, si b\u00ebn loj\u00ebn n\u00eb sy t\u00eb publikut. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb lidhet shum\u00eb fakti se n\u00eb diskursin publik fjala \u201cshoq\u00ebri\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar me fjal\u00ebn \u201cpublik\u201d. Pra, kur n\u00eb media apo n\u00eb konferenca partiake flitet p\u00ebr \u201cpublikun\u201d jo m\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201cshoq\u00ebrin\u00eb\u201d, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se jemi n\u00eb kushtin e t\u00eb jetuarit n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet teat\u00ebr, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i shqet\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr reagimin e menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb publikut ndaj performanc\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb \u201cshtet teat\u00ebr\u201d kthen fushatat elektorale dhe procesin zgjedhor n\u00eb loj\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebllimshme skenike dhe gjith\u00eb performancat elektorale ngjitje n\u00eb sken\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

Q\u00ebllim\u00ebsia q\u00ebndron te fakti se fushata zgjedhore \u00ebsht\u00eb periudh\u00eb me tipare t\u00eb vetat dhe q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllet brenda vetvetes \u2013 n\u00eb shtetin teat\u00ebr zgjedhjet jan\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb e rrejshme! Ndaj p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi merr skenari, koreografia, ngjyrat, dritat, z\u00ebri, loja. Fusha e shk\u00ebmbimit dominohet nga dh\u00ebnia e premtimeve ve\u00e7 p\u00ebr t\u2019u th\u00ebn\u00eb. Nj\u00eb ekonomi anti mbajtjes s\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, ku zbatohet parimi \u2013\u00e7do fjal\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb fushat\u00eb s\u2019ka arsye q\u00eb t\u00eb mbahet. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto kan\u00eb qen\u00eb disi bashk\u00ebshoq\u00ebruese t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, por te sjellja n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb e \u201cshtetit teat\u00ebr\u201d ndryshon di\u00e7ka, sepse \u201cskena\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb themelore, pasi aty luhet loja e shmangies s\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes prej shtetit n\u00eb praktik\u00eb dhe, nj\u00ebherazi, t\u00eb fton n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e iluzionit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti q\u00eb nuk ekziston n\u00eb praktik\u00eb.  Kur fushata elektorale shkrihet me praktik\u00ebn dhe kuptimin e \u201csken\u00ebs\u201d at\u00ebher\u00eb rendit demokratik ia ka z\u00ebn\u00eb vendin shteti q\u00eb kthen n\u00eb themelore nj\u00eb \u201cloj\u00eb\u201d, ku fushata zgjedhore kthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion rrengjesh, e jo thjesht g\u00ebnjeshtrash, dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj jan\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj rreng\u00ebshtarie. Aleatet e rreng\u00ebshtaris\u00eb s\u00eb institucionalizuar jan\u00eb dhuna manipuluese, vjedhja e votave dhe vullneteve, pasi rrengu nuk b\u00ebhet ve\u00e7 p\u00ebr t\u00eb iluzionuar, por edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar vjedhjen e vot\u00ebs, zgjedhja e kandidat\u00ebve n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo legjitime, zgjedhja e an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb komisionit \u201cp\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur vot\u00ebn\u201d. Kushdo k\u00ebt\u00eb pamje mund ta quaj\u00eb pesimiste, por etnografikisht kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb eksperienca m\u00eb kolektive q\u00eb kam par\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebndahet kolektivisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb \u201cteat\u00ebr politik\u201d t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm duhen figura q\u00eb din\u00eb t\u00eb luajn\u00eb rolin si t\u00eb till\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb ken\u00eb vet\u00ebdijen e hyrjes dhe daljes n\u00eb sken\u00eb. N\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn politike kan\u00eb hyr\u00eb pa t\u00eb keq terma si \u201cloj\u00eb politike\u201d, \u201csken\u00eb politike\u201d dhe e gjith\u00eb gjuha shoq\u00ebrohet me dy rrafshe diskursive p\u00ebr t\u2019u pasur lakmi! Gjuha politike rr\u00ebshqet pa t\u00eb keq mes nj\u00eb gjuhe absolutiste dhe relativiste, fol\u00ebsi nga nj\u00eb pohues i t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave t\u00eb amshueshme shnd\u00ebrrohet beftas n\u00eb relativizues absolut. Periudhat ndahen n\u00eb mes fundeve pragapokalipktike dhe n\u00eb gjuh\u00eb mesianike. Po kjo gjuh\u00eb ndahet n\u00eb koh\u00eb shekullare, n\u00eb koh\u00eb mandatesh. Ndaj, ka mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr dy figura kryesore: politikanin q\u00eb kthen teatrin n\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn, ose <\/span>rrengshorin <\/span><\/i>q\u00eb kthen teatrin n\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb teatralizuar shtetin dhe marr\u00ebveshjen me shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Pra, t\u00eb mos humbasim n\u00ebp\u00ebr fjal\u00eb dhe ta themi shkoqur. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn e fundit t\u00eb faz\u00ebs liminale, pag\u00ebzuar politikisht si tranzicion, krahas figurave karizmatike, realpolitike, racionalpolitike e burokratike riartikulohet edhe figura e \u201cRrengshorit\u201d6<\/sup><\/span>. K\u00ebtu po p\u00ebrpiqem t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj nj\u00eb dialog n\u00eb mes teoris\u00eb s\u00eb \u201cshtetit teat\u00ebr\u201d, duke kombinuar situat\u00ebn liminale me figur\u00ebn e rrengshorit n\u00eb antropologjin\u00eb politike. M\u00ebtimi teorik, \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb \u201cshtetin teat\u00ebr\u201d rolin kryesor e luan Rrengshori dhe rrengshor\u00ebt q\u00eb kan\u00eb rrengun apo nj\u00eb Rrengshor model apo referenc\u00eb kryesore. Me gjas\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e fundit t\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturit \u201ctranzicion\u201d, <\/span>Rrengshori<\/span><\/i> dominon skenarin dhe gjuh\u00ebn e shtetit teat\u00ebr. K\u00ebt\u00eb fakt e ndihmojn\u00eb dy faktor\u00eb: i pari rrjedh prej delegjimitetit t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm q\u00eb i ndodh politikanit n\u00eb \u201ctranzicion\u201d, teksa i zbulohen vazhdimisht \u201crrengjet\u201d, kurse faktori i dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb teknologjia q\u00eb e mund\u00ebson shfaqjen dhe shp\u00ebrhapjen.  Dimensioni tjet\u00ebr i Rrengshorit \u00ebsht\u00eb kultura rrengshoriane. Rrengshori d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues demokratik dhe nj\u00ebherazi figura e vetme popullore. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb b\u00ebn \u00e7mos t\u2019i thot\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb se ajo vet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rrengshoruese, dhe se vet\u00ebm ai [rrall\u00eb ajo] \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta dhe rrengu. Pra, Rrengshori k\u00ebrkon edhe monopolin e s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, duke aplikuar nj\u00eb tipologji t\u00eb ep\u00ebrme t\u00eb g\u00ebnjeshtr\u00ebs \u2013 rrengun. Ndjek\u00ebsit e tij [rrall\u00eb t\u00eb saj], dominuar apo inspiruar prej nj\u00eb kulture rrengshuese, jan\u00eb krenar\u00eb p\u00ebr aft\u00ebsit\u00eb e liderit t\u00eb tyre, madje shprehin nevoj\u00ebn t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00ebn efektin e rrengut t\u00eb radh\u00ebs, rrengu shp\u00ebrhapet n\u00eb kultur\u00eb dhe shoq\u00ebri, rrengu duket se i z\u00eb vendin magjepsjes p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn dhe kontrat\u00ebn sociale. E, n\u00eb fund, bashk\u00ebsia e ndjek\u00ebsve t\u00eb Rrengshorit dominohet nga kultura e kurthit dhe imitimit. K\u00ebsisoj \u201crrengu\u201d b\u00ebhet fusha kryesore e shpikjes s\u00eb rrengjeve t\u00eb tjera, aq sa nuk i gjendet as fillimi as mbarimi.  <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Shembuj t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb rrengjeve, q\u00eb p\u00ebrkojn\u00eb me ato t\u00eb teatralizimit mund t\u00eb gjenden gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore. Po p\u00ebrmend disa. Fushata t\u00eb her\u00ebpashershme q\u00eb lidhen me konceptin dhe praktik\u00ebn e pastrimit t\u00eb vendit, me zbatimin e ligjit, dhe akoma m\u00eb materialisht, jan\u00eb shfaqur n\u00eb politikat e investimit n\u00eb urbanistik\u00eb dhe infrastruktur\u00eb. Kujtojm\u00eb fushatat e nd\u00ebrmarra nga shteti teat\u00ebr dekad\u00ebn e fundit. Fushat\u00eb p\u00ebr kontrollin e territorit, nj\u00eb pallat kongresesh mbushur me policin\u00eb e shtetit, kujtojm\u00eb fushat\u00ebn e legalizimeve q\u00eb realizohet n\u00eb \u00e7do periudh\u00eb zgjedhore, kjo kur e fundit nisi vet\u00ebm pak dit\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, kujtojm\u00eb fushatat e inaugurimeve t\u00eb arritjeve n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. \u201cFushatat\u201d shoq\u00ebrohen me gjuh\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7muese ndaj \u2018tjetrit\u201d politik dhe shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, ose koh\u00ebs s\u00eb shkuar,  dhe vetja politike vendoset n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb ep\u00ebrme e civilizuese. Kund\u00ebrshtarit politik i kthehet borxhi, si shpag\u00eb, por ajo q\u00eb kal\u00ebrohet me rrengje \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebria.  Po ashtu \u2018shteti teat\u00ebr\u2019 materializohet n\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebn urbane dhe zhvillimin e gjith\u00eb qytetit, nj\u00eb shembull tipik \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cRilindja Urbane\u201d e cila materializon gjith\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn liminalizuese, por edhe sjelljen e shtetit teat\u00ebr. Sipas k\u00ebsaj gjuhe urbaniste, qendra pastrohet e riartikulohet sipas nj\u00eb imazhi civilizues, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb shpatulla t\u00eb tij ngrihen kulla e qendra urbane shprehje e ekonomis\u00eb oligarkike dhe t\u00eb qytetit t\u00eb \u2018pushtuar\u2019 tashm\u00eb jo nga \u2018i ardhuri\u2019  por nga ekonomia oligarkike. Zonat dikur t\u00eb pushtuara nga t\u00eb ardhurit, m\u00eb pas t\u00eb legalizuara, ripushtohen nga shteti teat\u00ebr, q\u00eb luan loj\u00ebn e urbanizimit, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb themel ka ekonomin\u00eb oligarkike. <\/span><\/p>\n

Kthehemi tek teatri, tek teoria e Clifford Geertz dhe kritik\u00ebs se kjo teori nuk merr parasysh shum\u00eb kushtin ekonomik. Po, edhe un\u00eb mendoj se kjo kritik\u00eb q\u00ebndron plot\u00ebsisht. Ve\u00e7se nuk duhet harruar se ftesa e Geertz mund t\u00eb na ndihmoj\u00eb t\u00eb shohim akoma m\u00eb qart\u00eb sjelljen e shtetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb liminale dhe prej k\u00ebtu t\u00eb shohim \u00e7far\u00eb mbron ky q\u00ebndrim n\u00eb sken\u00ebn teatrore t\u00eb shtetit. N\u00eb fakt, rezulton se shteti teat\u00ebr mund t\u00eb shfaqet n\u00eb aq tipologji sa vet\u00eb teatri njeh. M\u00eb von\u00eb, un\u00eb apo dikush tjet\u00ebr mund ta zhvilloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb teori, pra t\u00eb shum\u00ebfij\u00ebshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb shteteve sipas tipologjis\u00eb s\u00eb teatrit. Por mundet edhe i nj\u00ebjti shtet t\u00eb fus\u00eb brenda trupit t\u00eb vet sjellje sipas shkollave t\u00eb teatrit, dhe k\u00ebtu rol qendror luan Rrengshori kryesor. Ajo \u00e7ka dua t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoj edhe nj\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia q\u00eb ka shteti p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur loj\u00ebn ashtu si\u00e7 k\u00ebrkon audienca, pra shteti teatror ka n\u00eb themel t\u00eb tij, jo thjesht kapardisjen, por loj\u00ebn me shtetin, loj\u00ebn n\u00eb shtet, loj\u00ebn me shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa ekonomia mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb kahje t\u00eb ndryshme. Por mua m\u00eb duket se shteti teatror n\u00eb shtetin bashk\u00ebkohor ka marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien m\u00eb intime me ekonomin\u00eb oligarkike. Madje mund t\u00eb thuhet edhe e kund\u00ebrta. Shteti me nj\u00eb ekonomi oligarkike, ka p\u00ebrzem\u00ebr performanc\u00ebn e, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, shteti teatror \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i afti p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur loj\u00ebn. Cil\u00ebn loj\u00eb? Thjesht\u00eb loj\u00ebn e demokracis\u00eb liberale. <\/span><\/p>\n

Shteti post-socialist teatror ka n\u00eb themel t\u00eb tij Rrengshorin, i cili n\u00eb luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb i vetmi ose kryesori n\u00eb sken\u00eb, rr\u00ebmben \u00e7do rol t\u00eb \u00e7do kund\u00ebrshtari. Ndaj Rrengshori, si figur\u00eb kryesore e shtetit teat\u00ebr, shfaqet si nacionalist, si konservator, si avangard, si kozmopolit, si militar, si pacifist e k\u00ebshtu pafund\u00ebsisht. Ndaj teoria e Clifford Geertz mund t\u00eb zbatohet pa droje n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare madje mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb shum\u00eb prej saj. Po ashtu, kjo teori ndihmon shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvilluar m\u00eb tej teorin\u00eb e antropologjis\u00eb politike lidhur me populizmat banal\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb. Ndihmon edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se nj\u00eb shtet teat\u00ebr bashk\u00ebkohor ka p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar edhe fush\u00ebn e artit performativ e n\u00eb themel t\u00eb saj ka \u201cteatrin\u201d. <\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb em\u00ebr p\u00ebr rendin politik n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cfund\u201d t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb tranzicionit<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Me gjas\u00eb, k\u00ebrkes\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebr rendit politik t\u00eb sot\u00ebm do t\u00eb na duhet ose t\u00eb ndjekim pamjen e jashtme ose brendin\u00eb ekonomike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast mendoj se do t\u00eb na duhen t\u00eb dyja, pasi ato nd\u00ebrlidhen, ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb dialektik\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebmenduar. N\u00eb ekonomi duket se nuk dominoi dot konkurrenca e ndershme, si form\u00eb q\u00eb sillte drejt\u00ebsi n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e tregut, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb saj m\u00eb tep\u00ebr pat\u00ebn sukses disa parime t\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurur me kapjen e shtetit. \u00cbsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr burimet kryesore t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb, e shembull konkret jan\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e pushtimit t\u00eb burimeve natyrore. Pra, p\u00ebrtej kritik\u00ebs q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb sekush mbi ekonomin\u00eb neoliberale, materializimi ekonomik dhe politik i fundtranzicionit duket qart\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb ai oligarkik. Nd\u00ebrsa shteti teat\u00ebr, sipas gjith\u00eb gjasave, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rendi. Shteti teat\u00ebr ka pasur dhe ka nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb brendshme, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e mbulimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar, por edhe shkakton kapjen e shtetit. Mbulon, ose tenton t\u00eb mbuloj\u00eb, d\u00ebshtimin shtet\u00ebror, qoft\u00eb kur shteti nuk ia del t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb autoritetin e tij n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, qoft\u00eb kur shteti ka d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb jet\u00eb i drejt\u00eb dhe demokratik. Nuk jam aq naiv sa t\u00eb mos kuptoj se \u00e7do shtet ka brenda vetvetes nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr teat\u00ebr, rituale e performanc\u00eb. Porse shteti teat\u00ebr bashk\u00ebkohor \u00ebsht\u00eb mbuloja e nj\u00eb rendi politik e ekonomik q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i kund\u00ebrt me at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb ligjin themelor, pra kushtetut\u00ebn e legjislacionin n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi dhe rendi i p\u00ebrkund\u00ebrt q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ai oligarkik. Shteti oligarkik mbledh parat\u00eb te nj\u00eb grup njer\u00ebzish, shteti teat\u00ebr mbulon k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb me velin e loj\u00ebs s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Tashm\u00eb jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb teatrin e oligarkis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

\n\t\t\t\t
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\n\t\t\t\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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\u00a01.Gellner, Ernest. 1995. <\/span>Religion and Profane<\/span><\/i>, leksion i zbardhur q\u00eb mund t\u00eb lexohet n\u00eb likun n\u00eb vijim: https:\/\/www.eurozine.com\/religion-and-the-profane-2\/<\/span><\/span><\/p>

2.https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/shteti-qe-i-druhem-nebi-bardhoshi\/.<\/span><\/p>

3. Thomassen, Bjorn. <\/span>Liminality and the Modern:\u00a0Living Through the In-Between<\/span><\/i>, Ashgate<\/span><\/span><\/p>

4.Malcolm, Noel. 2023. <\/span>Armiq t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm: Islami dhe Perandoria Osmane n\u00eb mendimin politik per\u00ebndimor [1450-1750],<\/span><\/i> Prishtin\u00eb, Botime Artini.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>

5.\u00a0Geertz, Clifford. 1980. <\/span>Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth Century<\/span><\/i>,\u00a0 Princenton University Press.<\/span><\/span><\/p>

6. Horvath, Agnes, Szakolczai, Arpad. 2019. <\/span>The Political Sociology and Anthropology of Evil: Tricksterology<\/span><\/i>, Routledge.\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Tashm\u00eb \u201ctranzicioni\u201d ka marr\u00eb fund, ose do t\u00eb na shoq\u00ebroj\u00eb gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebn n\u00eb forma t\u00eb ndryshme. Na duhet nj\u00eb shteg a disa shtigje kuptim\u00ebsore t\u00eb rendit politik q\u00eb po form\u00ebsohet, ose form\u00ebsuar tashm\u00eb. Kjo ese shtron disa reflektime p\u00ebr \u2018shtetin teat\u00ebr\u2019 dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien e tij me oligarkin\u00eb…<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":23714,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"elementor_header_footer","format":"standard","meta":{"episode_type":"","audio_file":"","podmotor_file_id":"","podmotor_episode_id":"","cover_image":"","cover_image_id":"","duration":"","filesize":"","filesize_raw":"","date_recorded":"","explicit":"","block":"","ocean_post_layout":"","ocean_both_sidebars_style":"","ocean_both_sidebars_content_width":0,"ocean_both_sidebars_sidebars_width":0,"ocean_sidebar":"ocs-kendveshtrim-category-post-sidebar","ocean_second_sidebar":"0","ocean_disable_margins":"enable","ocean_add_body_class":"","ocean_shortcode_before_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_after_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_before_header":"","ocean_shortcode_after_header":"","ocean_has_shortcode":"","ocean_shortcode_after_title":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_bottom":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_bottom":"","ocean_display_top_bar":"default","ocean_display_header":"default","ocean_header_style":"","ocean_center_header_left_menu":"0","ocean_custom_header_template":"0","ocean_custom_logo":0,"ocean_custom_retina_logo":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_height":0,"ocean_header_custom_menu":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_family":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_subset":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_size":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_unit":"px","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_line_height":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_unit":"","ocean_menu_typo_spacing":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_unit":"","ocean_menu_link_color":"","ocean_menu_link_color_hover":"","ocean_menu_link_color_active":"","ocean_menu_link_background":"","ocean_menu_link_hover_background":"","ocean_menu_link_active_background":"","ocean_menu_social_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_links_color":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_color":"","ocean_disable_title":"default","ocean_disable_heading":"on","ocean_post_title":"","ocean_post_subheading":"","ocean_post_title_style":"","ocean_post_title_background_color":"","ocean_post_title_background":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_image_position":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_attachment":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_repeat":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_size":"","ocean_post_title_height":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay":0.5,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay_color":"","ocean_disable_breadcrumbs":"default","ocean_breadcrumbs_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_separator_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_hover_color":"","ocean_display_footer_widgets":"default","ocean_display_footer_bottom":"default","ocean_custom_footer_template":"0","ocean_post_oembed":"","ocean_post_self_hosted_media":"","ocean_post_video_embed":"","ocean_link_format":"","ocean_link_format_target":"self","ocean_quote_format":"","ocean_quote_format_link":"post","ocean_gallery_link_images":"off","ocean_gallery_id":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,4],"tags":[572,569,138,570,571,214,568],"class_list":["post-23713","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kendveshtrim","category-kryenyje","tag-antropologji-urbane","tag-ekonomi-politike","tag-kamez","tag-liminalitet","tag-liminalizem","tag-nebi-bardhoshi","tag-shteti-qe-i-druhem","entry","has-media"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23713","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=23713"}],"version-history":[{"count":15,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23713\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":23731,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23713\/revisions\/23731"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/23714"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=23713"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=23713"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embe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