{"id":19987,"date":"2024-03-06T10:40:15","date_gmt":"2024-03-06T09:40:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/?p=19987"},"modified":"2024-10-02T12:19:36","modified_gmt":"2024-10-02T10:19:36","slug":"albanologjia-e-nje-shoqerie-ne-ikje","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/albanologjia-e-nje-shoqerie-ne-ikje\/","title":{"rendered":"Albanologjia e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie n\u00eb ikje"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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Albanologjia e nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie n\u00eb ikje<\/span><\/h2><\/header>

Nebi Bardhoshi | 06.03.2024 | nyje.al\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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Kriza e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave t\u00eb amshueshme ideologjike e shkaktuar nga p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb u pasua  me teza e qasje t\u00eb llojllojshme. Nd\u00ebr to pati dhe nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim t\u00eb teorive konspirative  q\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb marrin funksion terapeutik dhe me dimension populist.  <\/span><\/p>\n

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K\u00ebto teori shpeshher\u00eb zun\u00eb vendin e l\u00ebn\u00eb bosh t\u00eb kuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb, sidomos rreth pyetjes se p\u00ebrse ka aq shum\u00eb paaft\u00ebsi politike p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb drejt\u00eb. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre tri  dekadash k\u00ebto teori u mbars\u00ebn me efektet e shkaktuara nga d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb ishte shpresuar. Ka gjasa q\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb marr\u00eb edhe trajt\u00ebn e besimeve t\u00eb reja popullore. Me teza populiste-terapeutike, u referohem atyre qasjeve, n\u00eb dukje si teori sociokulturore, q\u00eb mundohen t\u2019u japin kuptim krizave t\u00eb thella, jo bazuar domosdoshm\u00ebrisht tek e v\u00ebrteta, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb te leximi i d\u00ebshirave, dhe akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb i  d\u00ebshtimeve e drojave kolektive. <\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu po p\u00ebrpiqemi t\u00eb shtrojm\u00eb p\u00ebr analiz\u00eb natyr\u00ebn e tezave me natyr\u00eb terapeutike-populiste q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje teza t\u00eb ndryshme albanologjike. I q\u00ebndroj ides\u00eb se edhe p\u00ebr teorit\u00eb m\u00eb konspirative apo m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta shkenc\u00ebrisht, nuk ka arsye t\u00eb fyhet autori dhe as besimtari i tyre, por \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb analizohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb reflektive e kritike. Nj\u00eb prej m\u00ebnyrave p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar pse-n\u00eb e lindjes dhe pranis\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre teorive, duhet k\u00ebrkuar si\u00e7 kemi theksuar tashm\u00eb te kriza e legjitimitetit t\u00eb dijeve dal\u00eb prej regjimeve totalitare, kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb vet\u00eb regjimit totalitar dhe ato q\u00eb e pasojn\u00eb, pa hyr\u00eb t\u00eb kriza globale t\u00eb humaniteteve. <\/span><\/p>\n

Imagjino vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb  moment \u00e7\u2019ndodh kur bie nj\u00eb regjim i cili kishte shkrir\u00eb s\u00eb bashku t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn shkencore dhe at\u00eb ideologjike si t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb, dhe brenda pak dit\u00ebsh e gjith\u00eb kjo e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e shtet\u00ebzuar kthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb besim t\u00eb rrem\u00eb \u2013 bestytni. Nd\u00ebr shqet\u00ebsimet e para popullore q\u00eb filluan t\u00eb artikuloheshin ishin: \u201cSi paskemi jetuar?\u201d, dhe, \u201cPse ne shqiptar\u00ebve s\u2019na do kurrkush?!\u201d. Pyetje nganj\u00ebher\u00eb krejt naive, por q\u00eb brenda tyre kishin ndikimin e teorive t\u00eb dikurshme shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb ishin semi-konspirative, e k\u00ebto dije u nd\u00ebrk\u00ebmbyen p\u00ebr t\u2019u dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje sfidave t\u00eb reja. Nd\u00ebr tiparet dominante t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb post-socialiste n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ishte emigrimi masiv. Fillimisht emigrimi  u kombinua her\u00eb si revolt\u00eb ndaj izolimit shtet\u00ebror e her\u00eb thjesht si nevoj\u00eb ekonomike. Por me kalimin e viteve, e sidomos n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e fundit, emigrimi ka marr\u00eb tiparin e ikjes prej nj\u00eb vendi q\u00eb s\u2019ka m\u00eb shpres\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb drejt\u00eb.  <\/span><\/p>\n

Dijet albanologjike vijuan t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me kriza t\u00eb brendshme, por edhe t\u00eb prejardhura nga faktor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk lidheshin me teorin\u00eb apo teorit\u00eb albanologjike. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb pati qasje kritike e reflektive dhe prurje e risi. Ka pasur, e ka, jo pak kritika t\u00eb brendshme, pra nga vet\u00eb studiuesit e albanologjis\u00eb, mbi paradigm\u00ebn mbizot\u00ebruese dhe mbi mitet e lidhura me origjinologjin\u00eb. Albanologjia form\u00ebsohet nga pik\u00ebpamje shum\u00ebdisiplinore, si: arkeologjia, antropologjia sociokulturore, historia e gjuh\u00ebsia, dhe secila disiplin\u00eb ka shtresat dhe n\u00ebnshtresat e krizave  t\u00eb saj. P\u00ebr shembull,  ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb kemi teza ose, s\u00eb paku, hipoteza shkencore t\u00eb reja mbi origjin\u00ebn proto-ilire t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs shqipe, apo hipoteza q\u00eb shqipja \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e vjetra gjuh\u00eb e Europ\u00ebs. Po ashtu, ka pasur dhe ka teza p\u00ebr gjenez\u00ebn n\u00eb rrug\u00eb gjenetike. Teori q\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Pra, shkurt, nj\u00eb situat\u00eb krejt e zakonshme, pasi k\u00ebshtu duhet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb fushat e dijeve. E, megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb shtrohet pyetja se pse nuk fitoi m\u00eb shum\u00eb terren n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike kultura shkencore kritike e kozmopolite, por, sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb kalonte koha, n\u00eb ekran dhe hap\u00ebsira t\u00eb tjera mediatike, u p\u00ebrhap\u00ebn  \u201cteori\u201d me tipare populiste-terapeutike, q\u00eb ndoshta kan\u00eb krijuar edhe tipare t\u00eb \u201cbesimeve t\u00eb reja popullore\u201d? <\/span><\/p>\n

Referuar debatit konkret, duket se \u00e7el\u00ebsi i suksesit t\u00eb teorive populiste-terapeutike q\u00ebndron n\u00eb shpalljen e <\/span>pamjaftueshm\u00ebris\u00eb <\/span><\/i>s\u00eb tezave klasike  e dominante t\u00eb albanologjis\u00eb. <\/span><\/p>\n

Strukturalisht, teorit\u00eb populiste-terapeutike jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara mbi disa premisa. K\u00ebto premisa  i p\u00ebrkasin m\u00eb shum\u00eb zhargonit dhe kushtit t\u00eb t\u00eb jetuarit n\u00eb luft\u00eb se sa t\u00eb nj\u00eb episteme. Premisa e par\u00eb mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nd\u00ebrtohen, \u00ebsht\u00eb se teza mbizot\u00ebruese shkencore, fjala vjen, e prejardhjes ilire, \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamjaftueshme ose e nd\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb gabuar. N\u00ebn premis\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb, citohen nj\u00eb mori autor\u00ebsh t\u00eb huaj e ndonj\u00eb shqiptar, q\u00eb kan\u00eb hedhur teza t\u00eb lasht\u00ebsis\u00eb shqiptare q\u00eb e tejkalojn\u00eb at\u00eb ilire. Kushdo q\u00eb ka pak dijeni n\u00eb historin\u00eb e studimeve shqiptare e di mir\u00eb se q\u00eb prej shekullit XIX e n\u00eb vijim ka patur autor\u00eb q\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb teza t\u00eb prejardhjes s\u00eb shqipes prej pellazgjishtes, por n\u00eb teorit\u00eb populiste-konspiracioniste nuk gjen\u00eb nj\u00eb sens kritik mbi k\u00ebto teza.  Premis\u00ebs s\u00eb pamjaftueshm\u00ebris\u00eb, i shtohet premisa e tradhtis\u00eb dhe e komplotit ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, kushdo q\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshton teorin\u00eb e re, shpallet tradhtar q\u00eb mohon t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn, dhe \u00e7do penges\u00eb ndaj botimit a publikimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre tezave, interpretohet si pun\u00eb e armiqve t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. K\u00ebshtu justifikohet, fjala vjen, edhe fakti se p\u00ebrse k\u00ebta autor\u00eb nuk botojn\u00eb dot n\u00eb revista shkencore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. <\/span><\/p>\n

Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebtyre, autor\u00ebt e pik\u00ebpamjeve  populiste-terapeutike, jan\u00eb t\u00eb mpreht\u00eb n\u00eb v\u00ebzhgimin e m\u00eb pas n\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimin e \u00e7do teze q\u00eb aludon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb lasht\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe sesa ajo e paraqitur nga paradigma e vijim\u00ebsis\u00eb iliro-shqiptare. P.sh., kujtojm\u00eb se si ndodhi me zbulimin e dy fshatrave palafit\u00eb n\u00eb brigjet e Ohrit. N\u00eb media mbizot\u00ebroi lajmi i zbulimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendbanimi, her\u00eb 8000 vjet p.e.s., her\u00eb 8000 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb. Autoriteti i k\u00ebtij zbulimi q\u00ebndronte te fakti se k\u00ebt\u00eb e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb Universiteti i Bern\u00ebs. U reduktua, gati n\u00eb shuarje, roli i arkeolog\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb dhe arkeologjis\u00eb shqiptare. Vet\u00eb autor\u00eb t\u00eb tezave t\u00eb hiperlasht\u00ebsis\u00eb shqiptare, b\u00ebn\u00eb me gisht drejt k\u00ebtij zbulimi, por nuk na than\u00eb asgj\u00eb lidhur me faktin se si e lidhin gjuh\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyre fshatrave me banor\u00ebt e sot\u00ebm, pra me shqiptar\u00ebt. U mjaftua me vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb territoriale. N\u00ebse dikush e shtroi, ai mori sulme si tradhtar. N\u00eb artikujt shkencor\u00eb kushtuar k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje, debati \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i shkoqur, por jo p\u00ebr publikun e gjer\u00eb. Ngjashm\u00ebrisht ndodhi me nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb botuar mbi vjet\u00ebrsin\u00eb e gjuh\u00ebs shqipe, pa hyr\u00eb t\u00eb shum\u00ebsia e tezave q\u00eb qarkullojn\u00eb mbi studimet me natyr\u00eb gjenetike. <\/span><\/p>\n

Hartuesit e  peticionit kan\u00eb anashkaluar shum\u00eb fakte e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi t\u00eb tyre. <\/span>Kan\u00eb anashkaluar faktin se kjo gjendje \u00ebsht\u00eb krijuar prej nj\u00eb krize t\u00eb thell\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe dijes n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. E politik\u00ebs, sepse s\u2019ka mundur t\u2019u jap\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb s\u00eb tashmes, dhe vet\u00eb arti i politik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn e s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb anashkaluar, apo heshtur q\u00ebllimisht, fakti se institucionet e dijes n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare, aq sa nuk guxojn\u00eb se s\u2019kan\u00eb lirin\u00eb akademike, gjithaq kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar vet\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se jan\u00eb duke ndjekur p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebrin\u00eb politike, duke lejuar k\u00ebsisoj q\u00eb politika t\u00eb rr\u00ebshqas\u00eb aty ku \u00ebsht\u00eb sot. T\u00eb rr\u00ebshqas\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb postpolitike, do t\u00eb kisha th\u00ebn\u00eb, ku zgjidhjet nuk k\u00ebrkohen, e nuk besohet se vijn\u00eb prej politik\u00ebs. Me politik\u00eb, kuptoj at\u00eb art q\u00eb b\u00ebn njer\u00ebz bashk\u00eb dhe q\u00eb si q\u00ebllim kryesor ka t\u00eb mir\u00ebn publike. E gjith\u00eb kjo situat\u00eb postpolitike, e nj\u00ebherazi pas-s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs [post-truth], \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi ideal p\u00ebr teori populiste-terapeutike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se na duhet t\u00eb dramatizojm\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb argumentit q\u00eb po flasim. Vet\u00eb, pak jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, doli se sistemi yn\u00eb arsimor ishte n\u00eb kuot\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt sipas sistemit PISA. Tashm\u00eb pritet q\u00eb INSTAT-i t\u00eb na b\u00ebj\u00eb me dije se jemi nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, ku m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjysma e popullsis\u00eb ka l\u00ebshuar vendin. Por dim\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 60 – 80% e t\u00eb rinjve, nuk e shohin Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb si vendin e s\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb tyre. N\u00ebse ndjek vet\u00ebm pak minuta edicionet e lajmeve, sheh se qeveria nuk i zbaton ligjet e miratuara,  por i ndryshon ato sipas interesave t\u00eb disa \u201cinvestitor\u00ebve strategjik\u00eb\u201d. Lumenjt\u00eb jan\u00eb duke u devijuar, e duke shkaktuar tharjen e qindra luginave, me q\u00ebllim nd\u00ebrtimin e hidrocentraleve. Shumica syresh, jo thjesht thajn\u00eb luginat, por, pamund\u00ebsojn\u00eb ose e kufizojn\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm jet\u00ebn n\u00eb k\u00ebto habitate. Vet\u00ebm k\u00ebto dit\u00eb n\u00eb media, paralel me peticionin q\u00eb po diskutojm\u00eb, u dhan\u00eb lajme se \u00e7far\u00eb po ndodhte me zonat e mbrojtura, me lumin e Shushic\u00ebs, me deg\u00ebt e lumit Fan n\u00eb Munell\u00eb (Puk\u00eb), me projektin p\u00ebr hidrocentralin Skavica, e plot t\u00eb tjera.<\/span><\/p>\n

Th\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhtazi, e gjith\u00eb kjo padrejt\u00ebsi e shtres\u00ebzuar, ardhur kryesisht prej shtetit apo qeverimit k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb kuptim\u00ebsi. Pyetja \u201cKush nuk na e do t\u00eb mir\u00ebn?\u201d shtrohet \u00e7do dit\u00eb. Duket se forc\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb kuptim k\u00ebtyre padrejt\u00ebsive e kan\u00eb teorit\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlidhura me tezat e shpopullimit, t\u00eb cilat flasin p\u00ebr mohim t\u00eb lasht\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe vjedhje t\u00eb historis\u00eb. Edhe n\u00ebse nuk besohen si teori, ato duket se jan\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkarkuar mllefet e ardhura prej d\u00ebshtimeve individuale e kolektive, jan\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur pak krenari individuale e kolektive, e fundja, nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb shprehur revolt\u00ebn edhe ndaj \u201cestablishmentit t\u00eb dijes\u201d.  <\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kriza e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave t\u00eb amshueshme ideologjike e shkaktuar nga p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb u pasua me teza e qasje t\u00eb llojllojshme. Nd\u00ebr to pati dhe nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim t\u00eb teorive konspirative q\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb marrin funksion terapeutik dhe me dimension populist. K\u00ebto teori shpeshher\u00eb zun\u00eb vendin e l\u00ebn\u00eb bosh t\u00eb kuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb, sidomos rreth pyetjes se p\u00ebrse ka aq shum\u00eb paaft\u00ebsi politike p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb 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