{"id":1951,"date":"2019-02-07T15:53:36","date_gmt":"2019-02-07T14:53:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.nyje.al\/?p=1951"},"modified":"2024-09-03T12:05:06","modified_gmt":"2024-09-03T10:05:06","slug":"per-nje-version-te-besueshem-te-universitetit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nyje.al\/sq\/per-nje-version-te-besueshem-te-universitetit\/","title":{"rendered":"P\u00ebr nj\u00eb version t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb Universitetit"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\"\"<\/a> El hombre controlador del universo, Diego Riviera<\/span><\/span><\/p>

Pavjo Gjini | nyje.al | 07.02.2019\u00a0<\/span><\/strong><\/span>
Shkrimi i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb folur dhe lexuar n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e krijuar p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb bojkotit nga student\u00ebt n\u00eb Fakultetin e Shkencave Sociale t\u00eb Universitetit t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs n\u00eb dat\u00ebn 29 janar . Titulli \u00ebsht\u00eb huazuar nga nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb letrare mbi poezin\u00eb e poetes bashk\u00ebkohore Luljeta Lleshanaku, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn shkruhet se \u201cajo (Lleshanaku) i paraqet lexuesit nj\u00eb version t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb\u00a0bot\u00ebs 1<\/sup>\u201d . N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim kam mbledhur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb kritikave m\u00eb t\u00eb forta t\u00eb b\u00ebra ndaj gjendjes aktuale n\u00eb arsimin e lart\u00eb, Ligjit p\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb dhe masave t\u00eb deklaruara nga qeveria me em\u00ebrtimin Pakti p\u00ebr Universitetin. K\u00ebto p\u00ebrmbledhje ofrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb panoram\u00eb t\u00eb degradimit t\u00eb arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb version mashtrues t\u00eb universitetit. M\u00eb tutje, shkrimi hedh drit\u00eb mbi horizontet e \u00e7elura nga l\u00ebvizja studentore e dy muajve t\u00eb fundit, mbi limitet e formave t\u00eb deritanishme t\u00eb veprimit kolektiv universitar dhe mbi horizonte t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb hapeshin kolektivisht. P\u00ebrball\u00eb versionit aktual mashtrues t\u00eb universitetit, n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim tentohet t\u00eb ofrohet nj\u00eb version i besuesh\u00ebm i tij, duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb iden\u00eb moderne t\u00eb k\u00ebtij institucioni dhe n\u00eb kritika bashk\u00ebkohore ndaj tij.<\/em><\/span><\/p>

Sfondi Bashk\u00ebkohor <\/strong><\/span>
N\u00eb protestat studentore t\u00eb vitit 1968 n\u00eb Paris nd\u00ebr parrullat m\u00eb emblematike t\u00eb bojkotimeve dhe zaptimeve universitare ishte \u201cb\u00ebhu Realist, k\u00ebrko t\u00eb pamundur\u00ebn\u201d. Student\u00ebt francez\u00eb, por jo vet\u00ebm, k\u00ebrkonin: a) nj\u00eb universitet autonom pa direktiva shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb synonin t\u2019ia n\u00ebnshtronin universitetin tregut; 2) nj\u00eb universitet t\u00eb angazhuar politikisht, si p\u00ebrshembull kund\u00ebr luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Vietnam dhe p\u00ebrkrah pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve; dhe 3) nj\u00eb universitet demokratik kund\u00ebr statusit klasik t\u00eb profesorit dhe p\u00ebr raporte barazitare mes student\u00ebsh dhe profesor\u00ebsh. Shkurt, Universiteti n\u00eb vitin 1968 ishte vendi ku student\u00ebt kishin luksin t\u00eb mendonin se komunizmi, si organizimi barazitar dhe demokratik i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, ishte i pamundur, por ishte realiste t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohej.<\/span><\/p>

Protestat studentore t\u00eb \u201868-s d\u00ebshtuan dhe k\u00ebrkesat u shp\u00ebrfytyruan, duke mund\u00ebsuar sot universitete me financime t\u00eb ul\u00ebta shtet\u00ebrore dhe t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruara ndaj tregut, profesor\u00eb me p\u00ebrgatitje t\u00eb nxituar akademike, programe akademike t\u00eb reduktuara n\u00eb kurse trajnimi, student\u00eb t\u00eb liruar nga angazhimet politike dhe me borxhe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ekonomike. Pas \u201868-s, politika sunduese p\u00ebr universitetin thoshte se universiteti duhej t\u2019ia plot\u00ebsonte nevojat shoq\u00ebris\u00eb (nevoja t\u00eb cilat kuptohen nga k\u00ebrkesat e tregut), universiteti duhet bazuar n\u00eb dobi dhe funksionalitet, dhe universiteti duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb dije t\u00eb shitshme dhe masive. Statusi i dijes sot \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb tregut me fuqi pun\u00ebtore efi\u00e7ente dhe inovacion teknologjik\u00a02<\/sup> . Dija \u00ebsht\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga ndjekja e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave duke ndjekur pushtetin.<\/span><\/p>

Nga prespektiva e studentit, universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb informim i pafund\u00ebm; nj\u00eb tepri informative q\u00eb pamund\u00ebson vendimmarrjen. Studenti, me fjal\u00ebt e filozofit bashk\u00ebkohor Mladen Dolar, p\u00ebson si viktim\u00eb nj\u00eb diskurs universitar pa autoritet final 3<\/sup>. Studenti p\u00ebson nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb pafundme t\u00eb realitetit dhe k\u00ebshtu e p\u00ebrjeton si akoma edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb padiskutuesh\u00ebm autoritetin e progresit, shkenc\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb ekspertit. Informacioni i pafund\u00ebm p\u00ebrjetohet si v\u00ebrshimi i t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs rrjedh\u00eb, e cila nuk pranon as ndryshim shtrati, as dalje n\u00eb breg. Universiteti aktual mban ligj\u00ebrata p\u00ebr aft\u00ebsi dhe shkatht\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur kok\u00ebn mbi rrjedh\u00eb, por jo m\u00eb p\u00ebr ide universale mbi vet\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn; flet p\u00ebr forc\u00eb pun\u00ebtore dhe jo p\u00ebr individ\u00eb autonom\u00eb q\u00eb vet\u00ebedukohen dhe vet\u00ebvendosin. Liria dhe eksperimentimet akademike, si\u00e7 v\u00ebrente Loytard, tashm\u00eb konsiderohen si tep\u00ebr t\u00eb kushtueshme.<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr filozof bashk\u00ebkohor, Robert Pippin, ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pah se diskutimi i vitit \u201868 mbi universitetin ishte i cek\u00ebt, duke u fokusuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kritik\u00ebn e autoritetit t\u00eb profesorit dhe n\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb politike t\u00eb universitetit. K\u00ebshtu, k\u00ebrkesat e student\u00ebve u mor\u00ebn dhe u shp\u00ebrfytyruan n\u00eb duart e pushtetit: autonomia u lexua si munges\u00eb financimi; kritika p\u00ebr profesorin u lexua si kurse t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuara trajnimi; dhe angazhimi politik u lexua si nj\u00eb angazhim politik p\u00ebr shkat\u00ebrrimin e vet\u00eb disiplinave q\u00eb supozohej se e kishte p\u00ebr detyr\u00eb t\u2019i ofronte universiteti. Sot, jemi n\u00eb kushtet kur kriza \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzuar, tarifat jan\u00eb t\u00eb larta, pagesat jan\u00eb t\u00eb vogla p\u00ebr profesor\u00ebt, ka tepri profesor\u00ebsh t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, k\u00ebrkimi shkencor \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn pron\u00ebsi (\u00e7ka nuk imagjinohej m\u00eb par\u00eb) dhe ka nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb intelektuale n\u00eb disiplina ku disiplinat klasike nuk preferohen (teorit\u00eb postmoderne kan\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar disiplin\u00ebn me iden\u00eb se disiplina \u00ebsht\u00eb princip kontrolli sipas Fukos\u00eb 4<\/sup>).<\/span><\/p>

P\u00ebr t\u2019iu kthyer sloganit t\u00eb\u201868-s, si n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ashtu edhe n\u00eb vendet per\u00ebndimore deri s\u00eb fundmi, slogani dominant dukej t\u00eb ishte \u201cb\u00ebhu realist, asgj\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur\u201d. Por, fal\u00eb bojkotit dhe protestave studentore t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy muajve t\u00eb fundit u pa q\u00eb shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra qenkan t\u00eb mundshme, si p\u00ebrshembull: bojkoti i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm universitar, protesta me pjes\u00ebmarrjen e dhjet\u00ebra-mij\u00ebra student\u00ebve p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb, organizimi masiv nd\u00ebruniversitar pa nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e partive politike, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjysmimin e tarifave dhe uljen e tyre drejt zeros, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr investime n\u00eb konvikte, rritja e buxhetit p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb n\u00eb 5% t\u00eb PBB (nga 3.1% q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb tani). Po ashtu, u pa se qenka e mundshme q\u00eb student\u00ebt t\u00eb mir\u00ebartikulojn\u00eb kushtet dhe k\u00ebrkesat e tyre universitare (shum\u00eb analist\u00ebve nuk ua kishte marr\u00eb mendja q\u00eb student\u00ebt flisnin dhe u habit\u00ebn me artikulimin e tyre). Madje edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb prej k\u00ebrkesave m\u00eb t\u00eb forta, at\u00eb p\u00ebr rritjen e buxhetit deri n\u00eb 5% t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Gjendja pas port\u00ebs s\u00eb ligjit<\/strong><\/span>
Bojkoti dhe protestat studentore t\u00eb dhjetorit dhe janarit jan\u00eb problematizimi m\u00eb i gjer\u00eb dhe m\u00eb intensiv i nj\u00eb fushe t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb jet\u00ebs n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb. Shum\u00ebsia e k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb student\u00ebve shp\u00ebrfaqin nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb bojkotuar prej vitesh nga shteti dhe t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb jasht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimi nga tregu. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, bojkoti dhe protestat tregojn\u00eb se student\u00ebt nuk shohin asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim universitar pas miratimit t\u00eb ligjit t\u00eb vitit 2015 \u201cP\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb\u201d. Madje, arsyeja pse rr\u00ebzimi i ligjit nuk u artikulua qart\u00eb q\u00eb prej fillimit ndodhi pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr faktin se masa e madhe e student\u00ebve nuk ishte shum\u00eb e vet\u00ebdijshme sesi lidheshin specifikisht efektet e k\u00ebtij ligji me p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e problemeve t\u00eb universitetit.<\/span><\/p>

Ligji \u201cP\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb dy raportet p\u00ebrgatitore p\u00ebr t\u00eb nisej me dy presupozime\/dogma qendrore: 1) shteti do t\u00eb ket\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak buxhet p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb, dhe 2) n\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte e vetmja m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sesi shteti mundet t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb n\u00eb rritjen e cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak buxhet q\u00eb do t\u00eb ket\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb universitetet t\u2019i v\u00ebrsulen si qent\u00eb n\u00eb gara pas kock\u00ebs. Buxheti i ul\u00ebt p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb dhe parimi i konkurrenc\u00ebs mes universiteteve sigurisht do t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohej me rritjen e tarifave t\u00eb studimit p\u00ebr institucionet e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb publik, si\u00e7 ka ndodhur. Konkurrenca mes institucioneve, profesor\u00ebve dhe student\u00ebve dhe mungesa e financimeve publike nuk u shpjeguan kurr\u00eb nga qeveria. K\u00ebto dy presupozime u mor\u00ebn t\u00eb mir\u00ebqena dhe qeveria ting\u00ebllonte tep\u00ebr dogmatike. Ligji p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr dor\u00eb nga investimet dhe p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i arsimit publik sesa p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr ta kontrolluar at\u00eb. Si mund t\u00eb pritet p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim i cil\u00ebsis\u00eb kur shtr\u00ebngohen investimet?!<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, Avokatja Holta Ymeri n\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb juridike5<\/sup> t\u00eb Paktit p\u00ebr Universitetin dhe t\u00eb Ligjit p\u00ebr Arsimin ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pah disa nga problemet kryesore t\u00eb k\u00ebtij ligji:<\/span>
\u2022 nuk pritet rritje afatmesme p\u00ebr buxhetin p\u00ebr arsimin deri n\u00eb 2021 (sipas projektit afatmes\u00ebm buxhetor, qeveria ka vendosur respektivisht: 3.1% t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb p\u00ebr 2018; 3.3% p\u00ebr 2019; 3.2% p\u00ebr 2020 dhe 3.0% p\u00ebr 2021); <\/span>
\u2022 tarifat nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebrgjysmuar as p\u00ebr ciklin e par\u00eb (n\u00ebse nuk mbahet mesatarja 6 nga ana e studentit, p\u00ebrgjysmimi bie), nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr ciklin e dyt\u00eb (master) nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb asnj\u00eb ulje tarife (rreth 40 milion\u00eb euro6<\/sup> tarifa p\u00ebr \u00e7do cik\u00ebl t\u00eb dyt\u00eb paguhen nga student\u00ebt, nj\u00eb shum\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs kryeministri \u00ebsht\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm ta jap\u00eb p\u00ebr 1 kilomet\u00ebr asfalt, por jo p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb publik);<\/span>
\u2022 rritja e buxhetit n\u00eb 5% t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb, fal\u00eb ligjit klientelist t\u00eb 2015-s i cili mund\u00ebson konkurrenc\u00ebn p\u00ebr fonde edhe p\u00ebr universitetet private, do t\u2019i hapte rrug\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonin edhe universitetet private prej k\u00ebsaj rritjeje edhe pse z\u00ebri i tyre p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy muajve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebgjuar t\u00eb protestoj\u00eb; <\/span>
\u2022 dhe autonomia financiare \u00ebsht\u00eb inekzistente kur fondet p\u00ebr universitetin jan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta, t\u00eb hapura edhe p\u00ebr universitetet private, t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuara nga q\u00ebllimet e Ministris\u00eb p\u00ebr politikat arsimore dhe t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuara nga domosdoshm\u00ebria p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur tarifat n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbahet shumica e vendimmarrjes n\u00eb bordet e administrimit p\u00ebrball\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb ministris\u00eb.<\/span>
P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ligj, avokatja sheh shum\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri mes Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Hungaris\u00eb n\u00eb qasjen ndaj arsimit, ku Hungaria tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr vendet me centralizimin m\u00eb t\u00eb friksh\u00ebm t\u00eb pushtetit, sidomos n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e arsimit.<\/span><\/p>

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, vit pas viti ligji vazhdon t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzoj\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat probleme t\u00eb vjetra t\u00eb universiteteve publike duke i shtuar edhe disa t\u00eb reja. Profesori i Fakultetit t\u00eb Shkencave Sociale (UT) Arlind Qori e p\u00ebrmbledh k\u00ebshtu gjendjen e universiteteve publike:<\/span>
\u201cSi rezultat i gar\u00ebs p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00eb, universitetet publike po vrapojn\u00eb drejt standardeve m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta p\u00ebr t\u00eb thithur \u00e7far\u00ebdo studenti, pavar\u00ebsisht rezultateve t\u00eb tij. Nj\u00eb klient m\u00eb tep\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb dor\u00eb parash m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb buxhetin e pamjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb universitetit. Kjo vihet re sidomos n\u00eb nivelin e studimeve master. K\u00ebtu tarifat jan\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm disa her\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb larta se ato t\u00eb nivelit bachelor, por edhe rekrutimi i student\u00ebve b\u00ebhet praktikisht pa gar\u00eb. N\u00eb shum\u00eb programe masteri, numri i aplikuesve \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl se vendet e lira, duke i shnd\u00ebrruar ato n\u00eb kopje t\u00eb privat\u00ebve t\u00eb sh\u00ebmtuar. Edhe me mesatare 5 n\u00eb Veterinari mund t\u00eb hysh n\u00eb master p\u00ebr filozofi… Si mund t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr autonomi universitare kur e vetmja m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar Bordet e Administrimit \u00ebsht\u00eb rritja e tarifave?!\u201d7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>

Rritja e tarifave dhe ulja e numrit t\u00eb student\u00ebve paraqitet p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb analize t\u00eb revit\u00ebs ekonomike \u201cMonitor\u201d:<\/span>
\u201cTarifat e student\u00ebve jan\u00eb rritur nga viti n\u00eb vit, sidomos pas 2015-s, t\u00eb ardhurat nga tarifat q\u00eb paguajn\u00eb ata kan\u00eb sh\u00ebnuar r\u00ebnie q\u00eb nga viti 2013, kryesisht prej tkurrjes s\u00eb numrit t\u00eb student\u00ebve n\u00eb universitetet publike\u2026 Edhe pse tarifat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb jan\u00eb rritur me rreth 20% pas vitit 2015… N\u00eb vitin 2018 u regjistruan rreth 129 mij\u00eb student\u00eb, prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve 23 mij\u00eb jan\u00eb regjistruar n\u00eb universitetet private, sipas t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave zyrtare nga INSTAT. N\u00eb krahasim me nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb par\u00eb, numri i student\u00ebve ra me 7%. R\u00ebnia ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb drastike duke iu referuar 4 viteve m\u00eb par\u00eb… Sot n\u00eb auditor\u00eb ulen 44 mij\u00eb student\u00eb m\u00eb pak. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb universitetet publike num\u00ebrohen rreth 37 mij\u00eb student\u00eb m\u00eb pak.\u201d8<\/sup><\/span>
P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket sjelljes s\u00eb drejtuesve t\u00eb universiteteve publike, organizata Q\u00ebndresa Qytetare p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb raporti t\u00eb saj mbi shpenzimet e Universiteteve Publike na informon se:<\/span>
\u201cTre universitetet publike (Tiran\u00eb, Durr\u00ebs, Elbasan) jan\u00eb m\u00eb larg shkenc\u00ebs dhe m\u00eb pran\u00eb luksit t\u00eb zyrave, pasi nuk kan\u00eb shpenzuar asnj\u00eb vler\u00eb p\u00ebr n\u00ebnkategorin\u00eb studime dhe k\u00ebrkime p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb 1 viti akademik, por p\u00ebr investime luksi dhe zyrash. … dhe pagesa t\u00eb larta q\u00eb universitetet shpenzojn\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurimin e nd\u00ebrtesave. … Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb universitetet paguajn\u00eb kaq shtrenjt\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimin e rojes, student\u00ebt vuajn\u00eb pasojat e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve minimale si kartonat e diplomave, internetit, ngrohjes dhe ftohjes apo p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb laborator\u00ebve dhe bibliotekave\u201d.9<\/sup><\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb jan\u00eb, universiteteve shqiptare u vjen era mashtrim, ndjesia sikur po ta fusin. Universiteti duket si nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje bllofi, si nj\u00eb alibi pes\u00eb vje\u00e7are, si nj\u00eb pritje e pafundme. P\u00ebr nga natyra e formimit, ky institucion \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb dhe trajtohet si shkoll\u00eb e dob\u00ebt profesionale. Madje, ka shum\u00eb student\u00eb q\u00eb qahen sepse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm profesionale. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb duam t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi inxhinier\u00eb, duam t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi teknik\u00eb; n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb duam t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi individ\u00eb kritik\u00eb autonom\u00eb, duam t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi pjes\u00eb e administrat\u00ebs publike; n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi ekonomist\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, duam t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi biznesmen\u00eb. Diploma \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb mall, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb ishte akt honorifik, i ngjash\u00ebm me dekoratat e presidentit; dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, e par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb radha pes\u00eb vje\u00e7are e qum\u00ebshtit p\u00ebr blerjen e diplom\u00ebs. Tashm\u00eb, dallimi mes Universitetit dhe Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Mesme \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb aq i padalluesh\u00ebm, saq\u00eb na duket vetja sikur adoleshenca mbaron n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 23-vje\u00e7are. Madje, na duket e p\u00ebrjetshme n\u00eb momentin kur mendojm\u00eb se shumica e pun\u00ebve n\u00eb tregun shqiptar jan\u00eb si ato mallrat me dat\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt skadence q\u00eb supermarketet b\u00ebjn\u00eb sikur po na i falin. Nj\u00eb universitetet i cili trajtohet kaq mekanikisht sigurisht q\u00eb do t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjej\u00eb dhe nuk do t\u00eb ngadh\u00ebnjej\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb sfond ekonomiko-shoq\u00ebror shqiptar t\u00eb cil\u00ebn studiuesi dhe aktivisti Arb\u00ebr Zaimi e p\u00ebrmbledh me k\u00ebto t\u00eb dh\u00ebna:<\/span>
\u201cSa i p\u00ebrket varf\u00ebris\u00eb ekstreme, raportet zyrtare nga entet shtet\u00ebrore thon\u00eb se 13% e banor\u00ebve jan\u00eb t\u00eb kapluar prej nj\u00eb fatkeq\u00ebsie t\u00eb till\u00eb, pra rreth 365.000 persona, nga t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mbi 120.000 jan\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr 82.000 familje q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb me ndihm\u00eb sociale, e cila n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri konsiston n\u00eb 65 euro n\u00eb muaj, apo 8.000 lek\u00eb, p\u00ebr gjith\u00eb familjen… Shqip\u00ebria ka po ashtu rrog\u00ebn minimale m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, 180 euro, dhe n\u00eb distanc\u00ebn prej 65 eurove t\u00eb ndihm\u00ebs sociale dhe 180 eurove t\u00eb pag\u00ebs minimale shtrihet nj\u00eb ekonomi e gjer\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrish q\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb zez\u00eb. T\u00eb ardhurat p\u00ebr frym\u00eb t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb kontinentin europian, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Kosov\u00ebs, e cila ka t\u00eb ardhura edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta p\u00ebr frym\u00eb, dhe papun\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb e lart\u00eb, sidomos tek t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb, ku raportohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb 56%.\u201d10<\/sup><\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb ekonomike, sipas revist\u00ebs \u201cMonitor\u201d \u201cvet\u00ebm 1 p\u00ebr qind nga shtresat e varf\u00ebra kan\u00eb akses n\u00eb arsimin e lart\u00eb, qoft\u00eb publik apo privat. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrqindje Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi q\u00eb jep m\u00eb pak mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr arsimin e t\u00eb varf\u00ebrve n\u00eb raport me rajonin\u201d11<\/sup> . Prandaj, me k\u00ebto probleme shqiptare, universitare dhe ligjore na duhet t\u00eb insistojm\u00eb fort te shfuqizimi i Ligjit \u201cP\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb\u201d; t\u00eb insistojm\u00eb te dor\u00ebheqja e rektor\u00ebve t\u00eb Universiteteve Publike p\u00ebr mosparandalimin e k\u00ebsaj situate dhe mosmb\u00ebshtetjen e student\u00ebve p\u00ebrball\u00eb qeveris\u00eb; dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb p\u00ebrpilimin e nj\u00eb ligji p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb sipas nj\u00eb modeli demokratik bazuar n\u00eb k\u00ebrkesat e student\u00ebve.<\/span><\/p>

Angazhimin Politik<\/strong><\/span>
Sa i p\u00ebrket efekteve shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes studentore dhe pritshm\u00ebrive tona shoq\u00ebrore dhe universitare p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebvizje dhe krahasimit t\u00eb saj me at\u00eb t\u00eb dhjetorit t\u00eb vitit 1990, Blendi Kajsiu shkruan:<\/span>
\u201cL\u00ebvizja studentore mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses pik\u00ebrisht aty ku d\u00ebshtoi L\u00ebvizja Studentore e Dhjetorit 1990: shp\u00ebtimi i universitetit publik. Dhjetorist\u00ebt rr\u00ebzuan komunizmin dhe u fut\u00ebn n\u00eb politik\u00eb, por harruan universitetin publik q\u00eb degradoi pa ndalim n\u00eb 28 vitet e fundit. Le t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb q\u00eb student\u00ebt sot nuk do b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin gabim. Ata mund ta shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare vet\u00ebm duke shp\u00ebtuar universitetin publik. Sepse ky i fundit mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm burim i zhvillimit intelektual, teknologjik dhe social, por edhe i vetmi rezervuar i nd\u00ebrgjegjes sociale q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me, dhe protestoj\u00eb kund\u00ebr, padrejt\u00ebsive q\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb majisen pa u trajtuar deri sa shp\u00ebrthejn\u00eb.\u201d12<\/sup><\/span><\/p>

Bojkoti i student\u00ebve e ka zgjeruar fush\u00ebn e veprimtaris\u00eb politike, duke i \u00e7ar\u00eb tubat q\u00eb e kanalizonin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb politik\u00ebn n\u00eb kryeministri. Bojkoti dhe grevat e student\u00ebve ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb ta rrjedhin politik\u00ebn n\u00ebp\u00ebr qytet. Fal\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes studentore, politika – presupozimi dhe pretendimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb rregullimin kolektiv t\u00eb jet\u00ebve tona – \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nj\u00eb version i besuesh\u00ebm i ides\u00eb s\u00eb saj. Student\u00ebt ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb ta kthejn\u00eb politik\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb veprimtari publike e shoq\u00ebrore dhe jo m\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pron\u00eb private t\u00eb subjekteve t\u00eb caktuara partiake. Rregullimi i pun\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta deri tani mendoheshin si pun\u00ebt private t\u00eb disa t\u00eb privilegjuarve. Ishte e ndaluar deri tani q\u00eb edhe ne si qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb fusnim hund\u00ebt n\u00eb pun\u00ebt tona. Aq thell\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb ideja e privatizimit n\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegjet tona sa t\u00eb thuash \u201cjam politik\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb si t\u00eb thuash jam veg\u00ebl private e nj\u00eb vetrikulisti. Na duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjemi pa u lodhur se k\u00ebto nd\u00ebrgjegje jan\u00eb privatizuar aq shum\u00eb sa t\u00eb bardh\u00ebn e quajn\u00eb t\u00eb zez\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebn angazhim privat. Politika \u00ebsht\u00eb hap\u00ebsira boshe ku t\u00eb gjith\u00eb e kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb t\u00eb vendosin mbi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt\u00ebn.<\/span><\/p>

Bojkoti p\u00ebrmes zaptimit e b\u00ebri universitetin nj\u00eb vend politik. Po t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb bojkoti pa zaptimin, at\u00ebher\u00eb vend politik do t\u00eb kishte ngelur bulevardi \u201cD\u00ebshmor\u00ebt e Kombit\u201d, kryeministria e t\u00eb till\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb dyshuar t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm\u201d. Por fal\u00eb zaptimit, universiteti u b\u00eb vendi i organizimit p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e universitetit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend t\u00eb ri politik na duhet t\u00eb kemi parasysh q\u00eb ta kapim veten tek riprodhojm\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat ide jopolitike q\u00eb mbartim nga jeta jon\u00eb; na duhet t\u00eb rrokim efektet an\u00ebsore t\u00eb angazhimit.<\/span><\/p>

\u00c7do bojkot n\u00eb form\u00ebn e grev\u00ebs dhe zaptimit rrezikon t\u00eb bazohet dhe t\u00eb mjaftohet me faktin e thjesht\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndruarit bashk\u00eb. T\u00eb q\u00ebndruarit bashk\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb prirje komunitare, organizim antiorganizativ, me efekte sektare dhe me p\u00ebrfundim statik identitar (ne grevist\u00ebt e drejt\u00eb, ata student\u00ebt indiferent\u00eb). Ideja k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e nj\u00eb komuniteti grupacional paramodern, mbijetesa e t\u00eb cilit do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb sigurohej vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb kulture t\u00eb kodifikuar rigorozisht. Sipas form\u00ebs m\u00eb radikale t\u00eb saj, at\u00eb t\u00eb grev\u00ebs s\u00eb uris\u00eb, kjo form\u00eb organizimi antiorganizative bazohet n\u00eb presupozimin se un\u00eb po e ofroj trupin tim p\u00ebr t\u2019u sakrifikuar dhe deri sa t\u00eb sakrifikohem vet\u00ebm rri e pres. Po u m\u00ebrzita nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb pres bojkotin e degradoj n\u00eb nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr sociale, luaj letra, d\u00ebgjoj muzik\u00eb, lexoj ndonj\u00eb ligj\u00ebrat\u00eb, por t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto i b\u00ebj nga trashja, jo nga entuziasmi dhe as nga ndonj\u00eb strategji p\u00ebr intensifikimin e bojkotit. Nj\u00eb rend i till\u00eb logjik mbahet n\u00ebn shenj\u00ebn e sakrific\u00ebs, t\u00eb ofruarit e vetes si kurban p\u00ebr unifikimin dhe zgjimin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb mbar\u00eb. Rrim\u00eb duke pritur kryeministrin, presim nj\u00eb reagim nga kryeminsitri q\u00eb edhe ne pastaj t\u2019i reagojm\u00eb atij.<\/span><\/p>

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme t\u00eb shpluhurosim historin\u00eb e viteve t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb organizimeve civile n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Greva e uris\u00eb e ish-t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekurve politik n\u00eb fundvitin e 2012-s \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti m\u00eb sublim ku p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimi shkoi deri n\u00eb vet\u00ebdjegien e dy prej grevist\u00ebve dhe vdekjen e nj\u00ebrit prej tyre. Greva kontraktonte dram\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb post-diktatoriale ku nj\u00eb grup ish-t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekurish ishin t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb jepnin jet\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar dhe v\u00ebrtetuar se qeveria e nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb themeluar mbi vuajtjet dhe aspiratat e tyre i kishte shp\u00ebrfillur, mashtruar dhe kishte vazhduar persekutimin e tyre politik me mjete t\u00eb tjera. E gjith\u00eb drama u zhvillua n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga rrugicat p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb Rrug\u00ebs \u201cKomuna e Parisit\u201d dhe u mbyll po aty si tragjedi. Shembulli ishte sublim p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se vet\u00ebsakrifica nuk mund t\u00eb themeloj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri.<\/span><\/p>

Kat\u00ebr vite m\u00eb von\u00eb, nj\u00eb q\u00ebndres\u00eb e p\u00ebrditshme p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 90 dit\u00eb u mbajt n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 2016 p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar betonizimin n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb parkut t\u00eb liqenit me alibin\u00eb e nj\u00eb k\u00ebndi loj\u00ebrash. K\u00ebtyre dy grevave dhe q\u00ebndresave iu shtohet s\u00eb fundmi edhe q\u00ebndresa nj\u00eb vje\u00e7are n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb Teatrit Komb\u00ebtar dhe ajo e banor\u00ebve t\u00eb \u201cAstirit\u201d p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e sht\u00ebpive t\u00eb tyre. Tashm\u00eb mund t\u00eb themi pa hezitim se greva \u00ebsht\u00eb limiti i imagjinat\u00ebs ton\u00eb politike si shoq\u00ebri civile. Vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb Servantes do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb kishte shkruar ashtu si\u00e7 tha regjisori Robert Budina n\u00eb Fakultetin e Shkencave Sociale p\u00ebr q\u00ebndres\u00ebn e tij nj\u00eb vje\u00e7are n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb Teatrit Komb\u00ebtar: \u201cRri aty p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vit \u00e7do dit\u00eb sepse i kam th\u00ebn\u00eb vetes se do t\u2019i rikthej vendit tim 28 vite joangazhimi.\u201d<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb imagjinat\u00eb e re politike \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme p\u00ebr ta zgjeruar horizontin e veprimeve kolektive. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb qendrore t\u2019ia themi vetes se format e organizimit jan\u00eb forma besimi. Besimi \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdimi i t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit organizim me mjete t\u00eb tjera. K\u00ebshtu vijm\u00eb tek pyetja kaq e ndjeshme se a besojm\u00eb se do t\u00eb dalim t\u00eb fituar nga kjo sekuenc\u00eb politike duke u mjaftuar me faktin e bojkotit dhe grev\u00ebs? Ekziston nj\u00eb besim i madh te bojkoti, deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn sa e kemi fetishizuar si mjet duke e trajtuar si q\u00ebllim n\u00eb vetvete. Pjes\u00ebrisht, duket sikur i jemi falur bojkotit n\u00eb at\u00eb pik\u00eb sa jemi mjaftuar duke i ngritur trupat tan\u00eb barrikad\u00eb. Madje, p\u00ebr shum\u00eb student\u00eb bojkoti \u00ebsht\u00eb lexuar pik\u00ebrisht si k\u00ebrkes\u00eb p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e tyre. Bojkoti do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte nj\u00ebri prej mjeteve, jo vet\u00eb q\u00ebllimi, dhe si \u00e7do mjet do t\u00eb duhej instrumentalizuar p\u00ebr organizime t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme. Nj\u00eb bojkot pa organizim t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb alibia se sistemi ndryshon pa patur nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr angazhimin ton\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm. Bojkoti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zot.<\/span><\/p>

Nj\u00eb bojkot pa p\u00ebrcaktime gjuh\u00ebsore, pa ligj\u00ebrata, pa q\u00ebndrime, pa komunikata t\u00eb vazhdueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb bojkot fobik, t\u00ebr\u00eb koh\u00ebn n\u00ebn shantazhin e ides\u00eb s\u00eb instrumentalizimeve politike. U frik\u00ebsohemi tep\u00ebr instrumentalizimeve q\u00eb mund t\u00eb na b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kur nis t\u00eb na duket vetja gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb objekt dhe gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak subjekt. Bojkoti sedentar e ka k\u00ebt\u00eb prirje. S\u2019ka lidhje shoq\u00ebrore pa l\u00ebvizje gjuh\u00ebsore dhe pa p\u00ebrcaktime gjuh\u00ebsore, p\u00ebrndryshe lidhjet i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb dikush tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ne nuk e njohim. Prandaj, me rrezikun e t\u00eb ting\u00eblluarit qesharak le t\u00eb themi se na duhet t\u00eb krijojm\u00eb narrativa t\u00eb vogla krijuese, kolektive dhe fituese do t\u00eb thoshte Lyotard-i. Nuk na duhen konsensuse dhe pakte t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Na duhet t\u00eb angazhojm\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb fokusuar k\u00ebrkimin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontraktuar informacionet dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb kompozuar t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat n\u00eb dispozicion.<\/span><\/p>

Protestat ia dol\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebn e tyre, me prodhu slogane. P\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, \u00e7do politik\u00eb ka analiza q\u00eb i tregojn\u00eb se pse duhet ndryshuar situata, por problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se i mungojn\u00eb sloganet p\u00ebr t\u00eb apeluar masat. Masat nuk mobilizohen pa slogane. Protestat prodhuan nj\u00eb shum\u00ebsi sloganesh. Bojkotit i mbetet t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebris\u00eb sloganet dhe t\u2019i shtoj\u00eb analizat p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse \u00e7do slogani; analiza q\u00eb tregojn\u00eb pse k\u00ebto slogane jan\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme. Po ashtu, duhet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje sizifiane p\u00ebr takime dhe organizime nd\u00ebr fakultete dhe nd\u00ebruniversitete; takime n\u00eb mos t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, t\u00eb vogla. Nevojitet krijimi i grupeve t\u00eb vogla t\u00eb pun\u00ebs k\u00ebrkimore nd\u00ebr student\u00eb, tryeza\/fletushka\/artikuj informues dhe ftesa p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt, aksione n\u00eb universitete dhe aksione n\u00eb qytet, p\u00ebrballje e vazhdueshme e drejtuesve t\u00eb universiteteve. Dy jan\u00eb shenjat q\u00eb kjo l\u00ebvizje studentore \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ngjarje: 1) n\u00ebse ka mbetje organizative (organizata, organizime, grupe) pasi t\u00eb mbyllet bojkoti; dhe 2) n\u00ebse nuk jemi m\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit pas k\u00ebsaj ngjarjeje (p\u00ebrndryshe kjo ngjarje kaq masive nuk paska qen\u00eb e madhe mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb prekur Egon ton\u00eb kozmike).<\/span>
Un\u00eb e mendoj fitoren e k\u00ebsaj sekuence politike k\u00ebshtu: me nj\u00eb frym\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb organizim nd\u00ebruniversitar fitorja do t\u00eb vij\u00eb si nj\u00eb pun\u00eb milingonash p\u00ebr nj\u00eb arsim publik pa tarifa dhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rikthim t\u00eb ides\u00eb s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb universitetit n\u00eb forma t\u00eb reja; e gjitha kjo nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb bojkoti vazhdon. E th\u00ebn\u00eb me nj\u00eb alegori rigoroze, nj\u00eb pun\u00eb milingonash q\u00eb s\u2019ka t\u00eb ndalur, deri sa nj\u00eb dit\u00eb prej dit\u00ebsh marrim vesh se ligji na qenka shfuqizuar dje. Pra, shfuqizimi i ligjit b\u00ebhet shenja e djeshme e progresit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb universitet publik falas dhe me parime universale. E th\u00ebn\u00eb me shkronjat e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb Bibl\u00ebs mbi ardhjen e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb Krishtit: \u2018Mbret\u00ebria e zotit (universitetit) do t\u00eb vij\u00eb si hajduti nat\u00ebn\u2019. K\u00ebshtu besoj un\u00eb!<\/span><\/p>

Ideja e Universitetit<\/strong><\/span>
Duhet q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri me e detyru qeverin\u00eb me ndryshu mendje; duhet edhe m\u00eb tep\u00ebr organizim me e ndryshu qeverin\u00eb; por m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja \u00ebsht\u00eb se duhet guxim dhe entuzias\u00ebm me ndryshu veten. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, th\u00ebn\u00eb me filozofen dhe aktivisten Gayatri Spivak, i gjith\u00eb q\u00ebllimi i universitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshimi dhe riorganizimi i d\u00ebshirave studentore. D\u00ebshirat riorganizohen dhe ndryshohen si fillim me shtrimin e pyetjeve. Na duhet ta mbajm\u00eb t\u00eb hapur dhe ta shtrojm\u00eb kudo ku jemi pyetjen se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb Universiteti? Pse njer\u00ebzimi ka krijuar nj\u00eb institucion t\u00eb till\u00eb?<\/span><\/p>

Pik\u00ebrisht pyet\u00ebsimi \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe pika q\u00eb e bashkon Universitetin me Politiken. Di\u00e7ka t\u00eb till\u00eb e nxorri n\u00eb pah edhe profesori i filozofis\u00eb Alment Muho n\u00eb ligj\u00ebrat\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bojkot. Pyetjet e \u00e7ajn\u00eb gj\u00ebn\u00eb dhe shpallin nj\u00eb tem\u00eb t\u00eb re. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebnia n\u00eb dyshim e nj\u00eb sistemi dhe nisja e nj\u00eb linje t\u00eb re k\u00ebrkimore. Imagjinata \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7arja e gj\u00ebrave fillimisht p\u00ebrmes pyetjeve. Pyetjet hapin vrima, prej nga mund t\u00eb futet drita, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb thoshim me fjal\u00ebt e poetit dhe muzikantit Leonard Cohen. Pyetjet hapin mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb ideje t\u00eb re. P\u00ebrcaktimi e b\u00ebn t\u00eb lind\u00eb nj\u00eb ide; pa p\u00ebrcaktim mbetemi n\u00eb iden\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb gj\u00ebs\u00eb ku po veprojm\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>

Pra, momenti politik i universitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb shtrimi i k\u00ebsaj pyetjeje se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb universitet? Prej disa vitesh dhe n\u00eb vende t\u00eb ndryshme \u00ebsht\u00eb shtruar kjo pyetje themelore nd\u00ebr shqiptar\u00eb 13<\/sup>. Bazuar edhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjet q\u00eb jan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr k\u00ebto vende, p\u00ebrgjigja \u00ebsht\u00eb e till\u00eb: Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi i d\u00ebshir\u00ebs p\u00ebr dije universale. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi ku vihemi n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim, i n\u00ebnshtrohemi dhe p\u00ebrndjekim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat e njer\u00ebzimit dhe t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi ku bota reflektohet intensivisht, garancia absolute se ekziston nj\u00eb bot\u00eb e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb tentativa e organizimit t\u00eb Bot\u00ebs mbi baz\u00ebn e Ideve, pra nj\u00eb idealiz\u00ebm politik. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ndarja e pun\u00ebs brenda filozofis\u00eb dhe cop\u00ebtimi i saj i vazhduesh\u00ebm. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhimi politik i filozofis\u00eb 14<\/sup>. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi ku k\u00ebrkohet dija dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb vetvetes, me presupozimin se p\u00ebrdorimet e tyre t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjeshme shoq\u00ebrore do t\u00eb na e leht\u00ebsojn\u00eb jet\u00ebn dhe do ta ndryshojn\u00eb bot\u00ebn. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi prej nga cop\u00eb themi Teoria \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja shpres\u00eb e praktik\u00ebs, se Teoria pa praktik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb impotente, por praktika pa teori \u00ebsht\u00eb e verb\u00ebr.<\/span><\/p>

Ideja e universitetit modern \u00ebsht\u00eb e kristalizuar m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shek.XIX nga filozofi dhe funksionari gjerman William Von Humboldt. Sipas Humboldt-it universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb bashkimi i k\u00ebrkimit shkencor me m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnien; marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie e ngusht\u00eb student-profesor; liri n\u00eb m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnie dhe vet\u00ebqeverisje akademike e institucioneve. Produktet e k\u00ebrkimit nga profesor\u00ebt duhen ndar\u00eb dhe testuar nga mendjet e reja studentore q\u00eb m\u00ebsojn\u00eb dhe m\u00ebsimi nuk duhet drejtuar nga influenca t\u00eb jashtme ekonomike dhe shtet\u00ebrore. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi ku pritet q\u00eb student\u00ebt t\u00eb vet\u00ebtransformohen me ndihm\u00ebn ideve. Me fjal\u00ebt e filozofit Robert Pippin, universiteti modern k\u00ebrkimor \u00ebsht\u00eb: 1) tentativa organizative e dijes p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar se \u00e7\u2019jan\u00eb gj\u00ebrat dhe se pse sillen ashtu; 2) shpjegimi i sjelljes s\u00eb njeriut si individ dhe n\u00eb grup; 3) shpjegimi i kuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb gj\u00ebrave (vlerat, shenjat). Pra, sfondi filozofik i k\u00ebsaj ideje t\u00eb universitetit jan\u00eb tre kritikat e filozofit Emanuel Kant. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00ebn imazhin e kritik\u00ebs s\u00eb arsyes s\u00eb kulluar, praktike dhe t\u00eb gjykimit t\u00eb Kantit 15<\/sup>.<\/span><\/p>

Nga brenda ky institucion mbahet te presupozimi i universal\u00ebve, ekzistenca e ligj\u00ebsive t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme, t\u00eb cilat duhen zbuluar, q\u00eb jeta jon\u00eb n\u00eb kozmos t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe m\u00eb e leht\u00eb. Ndaj ankthit t\u00eb p\u00ebrballjes me t\u00eb panjohurat e bot\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb vetes, universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ideja se Bota dhe vetja mund t\u00eb njihen, se nuk kemi pse ngelim p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsisht t\u00eb huaj p\u00ebr nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Njohja mund\u00ebsohet p\u00ebrmes inovacioneve n\u00eb koncepte. Universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb takimi i mrekulluesh\u00ebm me konceptet. N\u00ebse nuk jemi mrekulluar akoma me konceptet e s\u00eb Pavet\u00ebdijshmes s\u00eb Frojdit, Kritik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kantit, Klas\u00ebs s\u00eb Marksit, Leviathanit t\u00eb Hobbsit, Shpirtit t\u00eb Hegelit, Ides\u00eb s\u00eb Platonit e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb akoma nuk e dim\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb universiteti. Ne mund t\u00eb duam ta p\u00ebrdorim privatisht universitetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur pun\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur d\u00ebshirat tona private, por vet\u00eb universiteti ama mbahet nga p\u00ebrdorimi publik i arsyes, e th\u00ebn\u00eb me fjal\u00ebt e Kantit. Prandaj, duke ndjekur p\u00ebrdorimin publik t\u00eb arsyes, me guximin p\u00ebr ta riorganizuar d\u00ebshir\u00ebn ton\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb duke pohuar: s\u2019dua t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj m\u00eb kurrikula udh\u00ebzuese, dua t\u00eb studioj, t\u00eb ndjek njer\u00ebzimin dhe shtysat e tij n\u00eb terrin e bot\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>

1.RTSH – Radio Televizioni Shqiptar<\/a>. (30 dhjetor 2018). Artes nga Elsa Demo \u2013 Vendi i artist\u00ebve pa z\u00eb. (https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=mMsOXR47veY<\/a>).<\/span>
2.Kjo diagnoz\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e ofruar m\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht nga Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Lyotard n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn \u201cKushti Postmodern\u201d, p\u00ebrkthyer nga Orgest Azizi, \u201cPika Pa Sip\u00ebrfaqe\u201d, Tiran\u00eb, viti 2017.<\/span>
3.Jeffery, Ben. \u201cThe Sting of Knowledge\u201d. The Point Magazine. (https:\/\/thepointmag.com\/2018\/dialogue\/the-sting-of-knowledge<\/a>).<\/span>
4.Emory University<\/a>. (8 n\u00ebntor 2013). \u201cTransdisciplinarity, Interdisciplinarity, Reductive Disciplinarity, and Deep Disciplinarity\u201d. (https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=X31J9gm1KXM).<\/span>
5.Perifrazim i punimit. Ymeri, Holta. \u201cPakti p\u00ebr Universitetin dhe Ligji p\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb\u201d. Revista Juridike num\u00ebr 7. (01\/10\/2019)<\/span>
6.Bazuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrllogaritjen e 33. 870 student\u00ebve t\u00eb pranuar p\u00ebr ciklin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2018 nga universitetet publike sipas tarif\u00ebs mesatare vendosur me p\u00ebraf\u00ebrsi nga autori prej 1.200 euro.<\/span>
7.Qori, Arlind. \u201cPse duhet rr\u00ebzuar ligji i arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb\u201d. Lapsi.al. (14\/12\/2018). (https:\/\/lapsi.al\/2018\/12\/14\/pse-duhet-rrezuar-ligji-i-arsimit-te-larte\/).<\/span>
8.Revista \u201cMonitor\u201d. \u201cNg\u00ebr\u00e7i i Arsimit t\u00eb Lart\u00eb, si po bien t\u00eb ardhurat nga tarifat nga r\u00ebnia e numrit t\u00eb student\u00ebve\u201d. (11\/12\/2018). (http:\/\/www.monitor.al\/ngerci-i-arsimit-te-larte-si-po-bien-te-ardhurat-nga-tarifat-nga-renia-e-numrit-te-studenteve\/).<\/span>
9.Q\u00ebndresa Qytetare. \u201cRaport (draft) Autonomia dhe Menaxhimi Financiar i Universiteteve Publike n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri\u201d. (23 Prill 2018). (http:\/\/qendresaqytetare.al\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/06\/raporti-final-2018-fes-e-diele-i-redaktuar.pdf<\/a>). Faqja 4.<\/span>
10.Zaimi, Arb\u00ebr. \u201cMbi protestat e student\u00ebve n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri\u201d. (15 dhjetor 2018). (http:\/\/tezateza.com\/hipoteza\/89702\/mbi-protestat-e-studenteve-ne-shqiperi\/<\/a>).<\/span>
11.Revista \u201cMonitor\u201d. \u201cRaporti i pabarazis\u00eb; Arsimi i lart\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u201ct\u00eb pasurit\u201d, m\u00eb e p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuara n\u00eb rajon\u201d. (22 maj 2018). (http:\/\/www.monitor.al\/raporti-pabarazise-arsimi-larte-ne-shqiperi-vetem-per-te-pasurit-e-perkeqesuara-ne-rajon\/).<\/span>
12.Kajsiu, Blendi. \u201cPse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb L\u00ebvizja e Dhjetorit\u201d. (12 dhjetor 2018). Gazeta Panorama. (http:\/\/www.panorama.com.al\/pse-nuk-eshte-levizja-e-dhjetorit\/)<\/span>
13.K\u00ebtu kam n\u00eb mendje tribun\u00ebn e Orgest Azizit mbi Iden\u00eb e Universitetit n\u00eb Bibliotek\u00ebn e Prishtin\u00ebs (19\/1\/11) dhe tryezat mbi Iden\u00eb e Universitetit n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e 2014 (https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=MafFbuNQlk0).<\/span>
14.Orgest Azizi e trajton k\u00ebt\u00eb tez\u00eb n\u00eb tribun\u00ebn e sip\u00ebrcituar.<\/span>
15.Emory University<\/a>. (8 n\u00ebntor 2013). \u201cTransdisciplinarity, Interdisciplinarity, Reductive Disciplinarity, and Deep Disciplinarity\u201d. (https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=X31J9gm1KXM).<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

El hombre controlador del universo, Diego Riviera Pavjo Gjini | nyje.al | 07.02.2019\u00a0Shkrimi i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb folur dhe lexuar n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e krijuar p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb bojkotit nga student\u00ebt n\u00eb Fakultetin e Shkencave Sociale t\u00eb Universitetit t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs n\u00eb dat\u00ebn 29 janar . Titulli \u00ebsht\u00eb huazuar nga nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb letrare mbi poezin\u00eb e poetes bashk\u00ebkohore Luljeta Lleshanaku, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn shkruhet se \u201cajo (Lleshanaku) i paraqet lexuesit nj\u00eb version t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb\u00a0bot\u00ebs 1\u201d . N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim kam mbledhur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb kritikave m\u00eb t\u00eb forta t\u00eb b\u00ebra ndaj gjendjes aktuale n\u00eb arsimin e lart\u00eb, Ligjit p\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb dhe masave t\u00eb deklaruara nga qeveria me em\u00ebrtimin Pakti p\u00ebr Universitetin. K\u00ebto p\u00ebrmbledhje ofrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb panoram\u00eb t\u00eb degradimit t\u00eb arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb version mashtrues t\u00eb universitetit. M\u00eb tutje, shkrimi hedh drit\u00eb mbi horizontet e \u00e7elura nga l\u00ebvizja studentore e dy muajve t\u00eb fundit, mbi limitet e formave t\u00eb deritanishme t\u00eb veprimit kolektiv universitar dhe mbi horizonte t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb hapeshin kolektivisht. P\u00ebrball\u00eb versionit aktual mashtrues t\u00eb universitetit, n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim tentohet t\u00eb ofrohet nj\u00eb version i besuesh\u00ebm i tij, duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb iden\u00eb moderne t\u00eb k\u00ebtij institucioni dhe n\u00eb kritika bashk\u00ebkohore ndaj tij. Sfondi Bashk\u00ebkohor N\u00eb protestat studentore t\u00eb vitit 1968 n\u00eb Paris nd\u00ebr parrullat m\u00eb emblematike t\u00eb bojkotimeve dhe zaptimeve universitare ishte \u201cb\u00ebhu Realist, k\u00ebrko t\u00eb pamundur\u00ebn\u201d. Student\u00ebt francez\u00eb, por jo vet\u00ebm, k\u00ebrkonin: a) nj\u00eb universitet autonom pa direktiva shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb synonin t\u2019ia n\u00ebnshtronin universitetin tregut; 2) nj\u00eb universitet t\u00eb angazhuar politikisht, si p\u00ebrshembull kund\u00ebr luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Vietnam dhe p\u00ebrkrah pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve; dhe 3) nj\u00eb universitet demokratik kund\u00ebr statusit klasik t\u00eb profesorit dhe p\u00ebr raporte barazitare mes student\u00ebsh dhe profesor\u00ebsh. Shkurt, Universiteti n\u00eb vitin 1968 ishte vendi ku student\u00ebt kishin luksin t\u00eb mendonin se komunizmi, si organizimi barazitar dhe demokratik i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, ishte i pamundur, por ishte realiste t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohej. Protestat studentore t\u00eb \u201868-s d\u00ebshtuan dhe k\u00ebrkesat u shp\u00ebrfytyruan, duke mund\u00ebsuar sot universitete me financime t\u00eb ul\u00ebta shtet\u00ebrore dhe t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruara ndaj tregut, profesor\u00eb me p\u00ebrgatitje t\u00eb nxituar akademike, programe akademike t\u00eb reduktuara n\u00eb kurse trajnimi, student\u00eb t\u00eb liruar nga angazhimet politike dhe me borxhe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ekonomike. Pas \u201868-s, politika sunduese p\u00ebr universitetin thoshte se universiteti duhej t\u2019ia plot\u00ebsonte nevojat shoq\u00ebris\u00eb (nevoja t\u00eb cilat kuptohen nga k\u00ebrkesat e tregut), universiteti duhet bazuar n\u00eb dobi dhe funksionalitet, dhe universiteti duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb dije t\u00eb shitshme dhe masive. Statusi i dijes sot \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb tregut me fuqi pun\u00ebtore efi\u00e7ente dhe inovacion teknologjik\u00a02 . Dija \u00ebsht\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga ndjekja e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetave duke ndjekur pushtetin. Nga prespektiva e studentit, universiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb informim i pafund\u00ebm; nj\u00eb tepri informative q\u00eb pamund\u00ebson vendimmarrjen. Studenti, me fjal\u00ebt e filozofit bashk\u00ebkohor Mladen Dolar, p\u00ebson si viktim\u00eb nj\u00eb diskurs universitar pa autoritet final 3. Studenti p\u00ebson nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb pafundme t\u00eb realitetit dhe k\u00ebshtu e p\u00ebrjeton si akoma edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb padiskutuesh\u00ebm autoritetin e progresit, shkenc\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb ekspertit. Informacioni i pafund\u00ebm p\u00ebrjetohet si v\u00ebrshimi i t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs rrjedh\u00eb, e cila nuk pranon as ndryshim shtrati, as dalje n\u00eb breg. Universiteti aktual mban ligj\u00ebrata p\u00ebr aft\u00ebsi dhe shkatht\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur kok\u00ebn mbi rrjedh\u00eb, por jo m\u00eb p\u00ebr ide universale mbi vet\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn; flet p\u00ebr forc\u00eb pun\u00ebtore dhe jo p\u00ebr individ\u00eb autonom\u00eb q\u00eb vet\u00ebedukohen dhe vet\u00ebvendosin. Liria dhe eksperimentimet akademike, si\u00e7 v\u00ebrente Loytard, tashm\u00eb konsiderohen si tep\u00ebr t\u00eb kushtueshme. Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr filozof bashk\u00ebkohor, Robert Pippin, ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pah se diskutimi i vitit \u201868 mbi universitetin ishte i cek\u00ebt, duke u fokusuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kritik\u00ebn e autoritetit t\u00eb profesorit dhe n\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb politike t\u00eb universitetit. K\u00ebshtu, k\u00ebrkesat e student\u00ebve u mor\u00ebn dhe u shp\u00ebrfytyruan n\u00eb duart e pushtetit: autonomia u lexua si munges\u00eb financimi; kritika p\u00ebr profesorin u lexua si kurse t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuara trajnimi; dhe angazhimi politik u lexua si nj\u00eb angazhim politik p\u00ebr shkat\u00ebrrimin e vet\u00eb disiplinave q\u00eb supozohej se e kishte p\u00ebr detyr\u00eb t\u2019i ofronte universiteti. Sot, jemi n\u00eb kushtet kur kriza \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzuar, tarifat jan\u00eb t\u00eb larta, pagesat jan\u00eb t\u00eb vogla p\u00ebr profesor\u00ebt, ka tepri profesor\u00ebsh t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, k\u00ebrkimi shkencor \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn pron\u00ebsi (\u00e7ka nuk imagjinohej m\u00eb par\u00eb) dhe ka nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb intelektuale n\u00eb disiplina ku disiplinat klasike nuk preferohen (teorit\u00eb postmoderne kan\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar disiplin\u00ebn me iden\u00eb se disiplina \u00ebsht\u00eb princip kontrolli sipas Fukos\u00eb 4). P\u00ebr t\u2019iu kthyer sloganit t\u00eb\u201868-s, si n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ashtu edhe n\u00eb vendet per\u00ebndimore deri s\u00eb fundmi, slogani dominant dukej t\u00eb ishte \u201cb\u00ebhu realist, asgj\u00eb s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur\u201d. Por, fal\u00eb bojkotit dhe protestave studentore t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy muajve t\u00eb fundit u pa q\u00eb shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra qenkan t\u00eb mundshme, si p\u00ebrshembull: bojkoti i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm universitar, protesta me pjes\u00ebmarrjen e dhjet\u00ebra-mij\u00ebra student\u00ebve p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb, organizimi masiv nd\u00ebruniversitar pa nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e partive politike, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjysmimin e tarifave dhe uljen e tyre drejt zeros, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr investime n\u00eb konvikte, rritja e buxhetit p\u00ebr arsimin e lart\u00eb n\u00eb 5% t\u00eb PBB (nga 3.1% q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb tani). Po ashtu, u pa se qenka e mundshme q\u00eb student\u00ebt t\u00eb mir\u00ebartikulojn\u00eb kushtet dhe k\u00ebrkesat e tyre universitare (shum\u00eb analist\u00ebve nuk ua kishte marr\u00eb mendja q\u00eb student\u00ebt flisnin dhe u habit\u00ebn me artikulimin e tyre). Madje edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb prej k\u00ebrkesave m\u00eb t\u00eb forta, at\u00eb p\u00ebr rritjen e buxhetit deri n\u00eb 5% t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb. Gjendja pas port\u00ebs s\u00eb ligjitBojkoti dhe protestat studentore t\u00eb dhjetorit dhe janarit jan\u00eb problematizimi m\u00eb i gjer\u00eb dhe m\u00eb intensiv i nj\u00eb fushe t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb jet\u00ebs n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb. Shum\u00ebsia e k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb student\u00ebve shp\u00ebrfaqin nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb bojkotuar prej vitesh nga shteti dhe t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb jasht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimi nga tregu. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, bojkoti dhe protestat tregojn\u00eb se student\u00ebt nuk shohin asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim universitar pas miratimit t\u00eb ligjit t\u00eb vitit 2015 \u201cP\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb\u201d. Madje, arsyeja pse rr\u00ebzimi i ligjit nuk u artikulua qart\u00eb q\u00eb prej fillimit ndodhi pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr faktin se masa e madhe e student\u00ebve nuk ishte shum\u00eb e vet\u00ebdijshme sesi lidheshin specifikisht efektet e k\u00ebtij ligji me p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e problemeve t\u00eb universitetit. Ligji \u201cP\u00ebr Arsimin e Lart\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb dy raportet p\u00ebrgatitore p\u00ebr t\u00eb nisej me dy presupozime\/dogma qendrore: 1) shteti do 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